Negative Black Stereotypes, Support for Excessive Use of Force by Police, and Voter Preference for Donald Trump During the 2016 Presidential Primary Election Cycle

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall D. Swain
Keyword(s):  
Use Of Force ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Election Cycle ◽  
Primary Election ◽  
Voter Preference ◽  
Presidential Primary ◽  
Black Stereotypes ◽  
Excessive Use Of Force

scholarly journals Sometimes It Does Matter: The 2016 Presidential Primary Election in Pennsylvania

Commonwealth ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. Kennedy
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Primary Election ◽  
Presidential Primary

Since the first presidential primary was held in Pennsylvania in the spring of 1912, rarely has the state truly impacted the race. A combination of forces, notably the rather late date that it has traditionally been scheduled relative to other states has all but guaranteed that the presumptive nominees of the Democratic and Republican Parties have long ago been selected. As long as this remains the case, it’s difficult to imagine the state’s voters ever being able to winnow a field of candidates, no matter how large or small it is. However, on rare occasions, the lateness of the Pennsylvania’s primary election allows the state’s voters to be one, if not the deciding force on who lays final claim to the nomination. Such was the case on April 24, 2016, when Pennsylvanians essentially settled the contest on both sides, elevating Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump toward their ultimate nominations.

Rhetorical moves in political discourse: closing statements by presidential candidates in US primary election debates

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Schubert
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Sample Analysis ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Primary Election ◽  
Presidential Primary ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Discourse Studies ◽  
Political Persuasion

Abstract Presidential primary debates in the USA are commonly concluded by brief closing statements, in which the competitors outline the central messages of their election campaigns. These statements constitute a subgenre characterized by a set of recurring rhetorical moves, which are defined as functional units geared towards the respective communicative objective, in this case political persuasion. Located at the interface of rhetorical move analysis and political discourse studies, this paper demonstrates that moves and embedded steps in closing statements fulfill the persuasive function of legitimizing the respective candidate as the most preferable presidential successor. The study is based on the transcripts of 98 closing statements, which were extracted from eight Democratic and eleven Republican primary debates held between August 2015 and April 2016. Typical moves, such as projecting the speaker’s future political agenda or diagnosing the current situation in America, are presented with the help of illustrative examples, frequencies of occurrence, and a sample analysis of a complete closing statement.

Differing Uses of YouTube During the 2008 U.S. Presidential Primary Election

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary L. Hanson ◽  
Paul M. Haridakis ◽  
Rekha Sharma
Keyword(s):  
Primary Election ◽  
Presidential Primary

Trump Beats Florida’s Favorite Sons

2019 ◽  
pp. 32-48
Author(s):  
Matthew T. Corrigan ◽  
Dario Moreno ◽  
Ray Anthony Lastre
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Primary Election

This chapter dissects how a former governor (Jeb Bush) and a US senator (Marco Rubio) from Florida lost the primary election to Donald Trump. How Trump’s outsider campaign overwhelmed the early favorites in the state is explained.

The Role of Whiteness in the 2016 Presidential Primaries

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 679-698 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tehama Lopez Bunyasi
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
National Study ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Primary Election ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
White Voters ◽  
Changing Times ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Job Prospects

Donald Trump initiated his run for president by framing the United States as a nation in descent. Adopting the slogan “Make America Great Again,” he set his campaign against a backdrop of loss and declared a mission for reclamation. Numerous analysts claim that his candidacy and rhetoric galvanized white voters who feel left behind by changing times, but few have been able to provide direct evidence of a racialized sense of disadvantage, and most polls were not prepared to ask such specific questions prior to the Iowa Caucus. Using data from the National Study of Color-Blindness and Race-Consciousness—a unique nationally-sampled dataset fielded two weeks before the beginning of the 2016 primary election season—I demonstrate that Trump was not only the most popular candidate among white voters, but that he was especially supported by whites who think that their racial group fares worse in the job market than do black Americans, who feel that being white has been personally detrimental to their job prospects; who believe that there are generally more disadvantages to being white than there are advantages; and who disagree with the notion that systematic racism mainly benefits whites. My analysis argues that how whites think about whiteness mattered for their likelihood to support Donald Trump.

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