A comparison of hospital policies for measles, mumps, and rubella infection control in Los Angeles County, 1989 and 1992

1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 369-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
D EWERT
1993 ◽  
Vol 14 (9) ◽  
pp. 513-516
Author(s):  
Diana G. Garcia ◽  
Donnell P. Ewert ◽  
Laurene Mascola

AbstractObjective:To determine the proportion of Los Angeles County (LAC) hospitals offering obstetrical services that have postpartum and postabortion rubella vaccination policies.Design:A survey was sent to the infection control practitioners (ICPs) of all operational acute care hospitals (N = 133) in LAC in 1992. A reminder and second survey was mailed to ICPs who did not respond to the first mailing.Results:Of 75 hospitals with obstetrical departments, 56 (75%) responded. Thirty-four (61%) of the 56 respondent hospitals had postpartum rubella vaccination policies. Of the 34 hospitals with policies, 30 (88%) accepted only a written record of rubella seropositivity as proof of immunity, 30 (88%) screened women with unknown immunity status before hospital discharge, and 32 (94%) vaccinated susceptible women before hospital discharge. Of the 32 hospitals that performed induced abortions, only two (6%) provided screening and vaccination services for these women.Conclusion:Only 61% of hospitals in LAC offering obstetrical services had postpartum rubella vaccination policies while only minimal screening and vaccination occurred in association with abortion services. Widespread implementation of postabortion screening and vaccination, and more stringent compliance with Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices recommendations for postpartum screening and vaccination in hospitals offering obstetrical services would reduce the number of rubella-susceptible women who have been missed by other prevention strategies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. S6
Author(s):  
Stacy Hartmann ◽  
Christina Eclarino ◽  
Elaine Forsyth ◽  
Roel Amara ◽  
Kelsey OYong ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S57-S57
Author(s):  
Kiran Bhurtyal ◽  
Jennifer Nguyen ◽  
Anthony Clarke ◽  
Kelsey OYong ◽  
Sandeep Bhaurla ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Public health authorities often use Infection Control Assessment and Response (ICAR) visits during Candida auris (C. auris) outbreak investigation to identify facility-level infection prevention and control (IPC) practice gaps and make recommendations to address those gaps. As an adjunct to ICAR visit, point prevalence surveys (PPS) provide an objective measure to determine if IPC recommendations are implemented. Because they require significant public health resources to perform, we evaluated the impact of ICAR visits on C. auris colonization rates. Methods PPS were conducted at seven long-term acute-care hospitals (LTACH) with C. auris outbreaks in Los Angeles County from July 2020 to May 2021. Skin swabs collected at PPS were tested for C. auris colonization by PCR technique. Pre-ICAR PPS results were compared with the average of two serial post-ICAR PPS results using repeated measures ANOVA test. Linear regression was used to estimate associations between individual ICAR domains and C. auris colonization. Results 54 PPS were conducted at seven LTACHs with at least one ICAR visit made for every two PPS. On average, PPS were conducted 14 days (range 1-15 days) before and 10 days (range 4-33 days) after an ICAR visit. PPS positive rates with ICAR visit dates for each LTACH are shown in figure 1. Overall, ICAR visits were associated with a significant decrease (p=0.035) in the average of the positive rates in two serial post-ICAR PPS. When individual domain (hand hygiene, contact precautions, and environmental disinfection) of ICAR tool was analyzed, only adherence to environmental disinfection was significantly associated (p=0.038) with decrease in C. auris colonization rates. There was a moderate negative correlation (R2 = 0.26, β= -0.33) between environmental disinfection adherence and the magnitude of decrease in the colonization rates across all LTACHs (Figure 2). Figure 1 Figure 2 Conclusion ICAR visits were found to be significantly associated with a decrease in the average PPS positive rate on serial PPS. Parts of the ICAR tool that assessed environmental disinfection at the facility seemed most correlated with decrease in C. auris colonization rate. Streamlining the ICAR process to focus on the most impactful parts of ICAR tool may be a more efficient intervention to control C. auris outbreaks. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures


2014 ◽  
Vol 91 (4) ◽  
pp. 56-63
Author(s):  
Josh Sides

In 1916, Cornelius Birket Johnson, a Los Angeles fruit farmer, killed the last known grizzly bear in Southern California and the second-to last confirmed grizzly bear in the entire state of California. Johnson was neither a sportsman nor a glory hound; he simply hunted down the animal that had been trampling through his orchard for three nights in a row, feasting on his grape harvest and leaving big enough tracks to make him worry for the safety of his wife and two young daughters. That Johnson’s quarry was a grizzly bear made his pastoral life in Big Tujunga Canyon suddenly very complicated. It also precipitated a quagmire involving a violent Scottish taxidermist, a noted California zoologist, Los Angeles museum administrators, and the pioneering mammalogist and Smithsonian curator Clinton Hart Merriam. As Frank S. Daggett, the founding director of the Los Angeles County Museum of History, Science and Art, wrote in the midst of the controversy: “I do not recollect ever meeting a case where scientists, crooks, and laymen were so inextricably mingled.” The extermination of a species, it turned out, could bring out the worst in people.


2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”


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