scholarly journals Drug prohibition and the criminalization of immigrants: The compounding of drug war disparities in the United States deportation regime

Author(s):  
Sarah Tosh
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Temin ◽  

President Nixon replaced President Johnson’s War on Poverty with his War on Drugs in 1971. This new drug war was expanded by President Reagan and others to create mass incarceration. The United States currently has a higher percentage of its citizens incarcerated than any other industrial country. Although Blacks are only 13 percent of the population, they are 40 percent of the incarcerated. The literatures on the causes and effects of mass incarceration are largely distinct, and I combine them to show the effects of mass incarceration on racial integration. Racial prejudice produced mass incarceration, and mass incarceration now retards racial integration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Camilo Castillo ◽  
Daniel Mejía ◽  
Pascual Restrepo

This paper asks whether scarcity increases violence in markets that lack a centralized authority. We construct a model in which, by raising prices, scarcity fosters violence. Guided by our model, we examine this effect in the Mexican cocaine trade. At a monthly frequency, scarcity created by cocaine seizures in Colombia, Mexico's main cocaine supplier, increases violence in Mexico. The effects are larger in municipalities near the United States, with multiple cartels and with strong support for PAN (the incumbent party). Between 2006 and 2009 the decline in cocaine supply from Colombia could account for 10% to 14% of the increase in violence in Mexico.


Author(s):  
Horace A. Bartilow

This chapter argues that the drug war is a manifestation of class conflict in Latin America and the United States. The chapter is motivated by the following questions: Under what conditions is the drug war used to repress labor unions and, in the process, increase income inequality in Latin America? What political mechanisms in the United States create linkages among drug enforcement, income inequality, poverty, mass incarceration, and corporate capital accumulation? In answering these questions, the chapter discusses the relationships among U.S. counternarcotic aid, the repression of workers’ rights, and income inequality in Latin America and the relationship between drug enforcement and income inequality in the United States. The chapter estimates data for twenty-one countries from Latin America, covering 2003 to 2012 using a time-series cross section (TSCS) statistical model and estimates data for the United States, covering 2000 to 2012 using TSCS and structural equation modeling. The statistical results show that increasing levels of counternarcotic aid to Latin American governments increases income inequality when the rights of workers are increasingly repressed. And increasing levels of drug enforcement in the United States is associated with increasing levels of income inequality, poverty, mass incarceration and corporate revenues generated from prison labor.


Author(s):  
Richard D. Mahoney

How did the United States become the world’s leading drug consumer? Around the time America’s “addiction to coffee” propelled Colombia to become the world’s second-l eading producer of that stimulant in the late 19th century, the United States was already consuming record amounts of...


Author(s):  
Nora Hamilton ◽  
Patrice Olsen

Several distinct features have shaped Mexico’s political development, among them its geographic characteristics, including its proximity to, and shifting relations with, the United States; the existence of a significant indigenous population whose distinct cultures and interaction with the Spanish colonists helped determine the trajectory of Mexican history; and the Mexican revolution, which in turn shaped the political system and ideology of much of the 20th century. These in turn have influenced research issues and debates, including (a) conceptualizations of the indigenous populations and the impact of colonialism (caste system vs. mestizo/cosmic race), growing emphasis on size and identity of indigenous groups and other minorities, and the search for autonomy by indigenous communities; (b) foreign relations, and especially the impact of the United States, including annexation of half of Mexico’s territory following the Mexican–American War, foreign ownership and control of Mexican assets (dependent development, “triple alliance”), and the impact of globalization and neoliberalism (outward- vs. inward-oriented development, North American Free Trade Agreement, cross-border alliances); (c) the nature and impact of the Mexican revolution, including origins and goals of distinct revolutionary groups, the Constitution, reforms and their limits in the early postrevolutionary period, and the creation of a unique political system combining elements of flexibility and repression; (d) the role of the state, including debates regarding the independence of the state vs. class control, and its significance in the protection of national interests and promoting social reforms and economic development; and (e) migration, including U.S. recruitment of Mexican labor, increasing emphasis on the Mexican border and restrictions on migrants, contributions of Mexican migrants to Mexico (remittances, hometown associations and other associations linking Mexicans to their home communities), and cooperation of Mexico with the United States in controlling Central American migration. International research issues, including concerns about human rights and the rights of women, minorities and other disadvantaged groups, as well as developments in Mexico in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, have also had an important impact on Mexican research, among them (a) democratization, including the role of social groups, decentralization, and the limits to democracy (ongoing corruption, fraudulent elections, and continued poverty and inequality), and (b) the drug issue, including the emergence of the cartels and increased violence with the militarization of the drug war under the Calderón presidency, policy concentrating on kingpin strategy, and the role of the United States as drug market and supplier of guns as well as a source of assistance in the drug war focused on military aid and the destruction of drug producing areas. These conditions present formidable challenges to President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, whose anticorruption, proreform agenda and widespread support brought hope for change.


1998 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 517-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Spillane

The use of cocaine in the United States began during the mid-1880s, reached a peak between 1900 and 1915, and then went into a period of sustained decline. This study examines several explanations for cocaine's decline, and concludes that the start of legal prohibition was only partly responsible. Legal controls virtually eliminated the licit supply of cocaine, and increased the costs of obtaining illicit supplies. These trends, however, had begun much earlier as a result of regulation and informal controls. Moreover, the “successs” of legal prohibition depended upon a number of unique historical circumstances, including the ready supply of cheap heroin for domestic drug markets. The conclusion of the first cocaine era was neither an inevitable end to a “cycle” of drug use, nor the outcome of a well-planned set of drug policies, but the product of a combination of national and international trends.


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