Despite maintaining a high daily training availability, a quarter of athletes start the season injured and three quarters experience injury in an Australian state academy of sport

Author(s):  
Daniel J. Sheehy ◽  
Liam A. Toohey ◽  
Nirmala K. Panagodage Perera ◽  
Michael K. Drew
Ethnicities ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146879682199986
Author(s):  
Dominic O'Sullivan

Colonial hegemony distinguishes relationships between the Australian state and Indigenous nations. British government was violently established and there was no accommodation with the Indigenous populations to allow settlement to proceed, as occurred through treaties in Canada and New Zealand. Indigenous arguments for treaties in Australia are, however, well established. Notwithstanding some Commonwealth and state and territory governments considering such agreements over the past 40 years, none have been concluded, and more modest forms of recognition have been alternatively proposed. In 2015, following extensive Indigenous advocacy, the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition appointed a Referendum Council to consult on an amendment to the Commonwealth Constitution to recognise Australia’s first peoples. The recommendation of a Voice to Parliament and a Makarrata Commission to oversee truth telling and agreements to allow ‘coming together after a struggle’ suggested a transformative ambition beyond the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition’s expectations. Makarrata does not stipulate treaties as an ideal form of agreement, but in raising the possibility, the Council added to the concept’s political momentum. This article discusses the place of treaties in contemporary Australian discourse, including treaty negotiations that are in progress in Victoria, Queensland and the Northern Territory. It uses examples from New Zealand’s Treaty of Waitangi to discuss their possibilities and limits in Australia. From these examples, two overarching arguments are made. Firstly, that treaties are potentially transformative, not because they may settle historical grievances, but because their required mutual recognition of each party’s enduring political standing means that they define ongoing, just terms of association. Secondly, the substantively different political arrangements that they presume mean that they are not merely instruments of egalitarian justice and are instead concerned with the distribution of political authority – Indigenous authority over their affairs and through a distinctive and culturally contextualised state citizenship.


Author(s):  
Tahir Ahmed Hassen ◽  
Catherine Chojenta ◽  
Nicholas Egan ◽  
Deborah Loxton

This study aimed to evaluate the association of the five-minute Apgar score and neurodevelopmental outcomes in children by taking the entire range of Apgar scores into account. Data from the Australian Longitudinal Study of Women’s Health (ALSWH) and Mothers and their Children’s Health (MatCH) study were linked with Australian state-based Perinatal Data Collections (PDCs) for 809 children aged 8−66 months old. Generalized estimating equations were used to model the association between the five-minute Apgar scores and neurodevelopmental outcomes, using STATA software V.15. Of the 809 children, 614 (75.3%) had a five-minute Apgar score of 9, and 130 (16.1%) had an Apgar score of 10. Approximately 1.9% and 6.2% had Apgar scores of 0−6 and 7−8, respectively. Sixty-nine (8.5%) of children had a neurodevelopmental delay. Children with an Apgar score of 0−6 (AOR = 5.7; 95% CI: 1.2, 27.8) and 7−8 (AOR = 4.1; 95% CI: 1.2, 14.1) had greater odds of gross-motor neurodevelopment delay compared to children with an Apgar score of 10. Further, when continuously modelled, the five-minute Apgar score was inversely associated with neurodevelopmental delay (AOR = 0.75; 95% CI: 0.60, 0.93). Five-minute Apgar score was independently and inversely associated with a neurodevelopmental delay, and the risks were higher even within an Apgar score of 7−8. Hence, the Apgar score may need to be taken into account when evaluating neurodevelopmental outcomes in children.


Animals ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 2107
Author(s):  
Tim Huettner ◽  
Sandra Dollhaeupl ◽  
Ralph Simon ◽  
Katrin Baumgartner ◽  
Lorenzo von Fersen

Zoos and aquaria must provide optimal husbandry conditions and the highest welfare standards for their animals. How the welfare state of an animal or a group of animals can be precisely assessed is currently under debate, and new approaches are necessary to reliably evaluate changes in welfare. One particular measure that is easily applicable is behavioral observations. However, for dolphins and other cetaceans under human care, reliable behavior-based measures are rare. Using long-term observations of a group of bottlenose dolphins, we investigate how their activity budgets and different behaviors changed over time and are impacted by construction noise. Additionally, we investigate whether behavioral differences are also reflected in changes in the dolphins’ performance during daily training sessions. Our results show that construction noise significantly alters the dolphins’ behavior. Play behavior decreases during construction periods; most importantly, the frequency of fast swimming activities significantly increased, and at the same time, a decrease in training performance is found. Additionally, inter- and intraindividual behavioral differences are attributed to factors, such as age or weaning. Significant changes in a dolphin’s activity budget can also pose potential welfare concerns. Thus, this study highlights the importance of regularly assessing and analyzing the behavior of dolphins under human care. Behavioral observations are essential welfare indicators and can—when complemented with other measures, such as assessment of training performance—provide zoo staff with important information about each individual’s state of welfare.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0067205X2110165
Author(s):  
Shireen Morris

This article considers implications of the recent Love decision in the High Court for the debate about Indigenous constitutional recognition and a First Nations constitutional voice. Conceptually, it considers how the differing judgments reconcile the sui generis position of Indigenous peoples under Australian law with the theoretical ideal of equality—concepts which are in tension both in the judicial reasoning and in constitutional recognition debates. It also discusses the judgments’ limited findings on Indigenous sovereignty, demonstrating the extent to which this is predominantly a political question that cannot be adequately resolved by courts. Surviving First Nations sovereignty can best be recognised and peacefully reconciled with Australian state sovereignty through constitutional reform authorised by Parliament and the people. The article then discusses political ramifications. It argues that allegations of judicial activism enlivened by this case, rather than demonstrating the risks of a First Nations voice, in fact illustrate the foresight of the proposal: a First Nations voice was specifically designed to be non-justiciable and therefore intended to address such concerns. Similarly, objections that this case introduced a new, race-based distinction into the Constitution are misplaced. Such race-based distinctions already exist in the Constitution’s text and operation. The article then briefly offers high-level policy suggestions address two practical issues arising from Love. With respect to the three-part test of Indigenous identity, it suggests a First Nations voice should avoid the unjustly onerous burdens of proof that are perpetuated in some of the reasoning in Love. It also proposes policy incentives to encourage Indigenous non-citizens resident in Australia to seek Australian citizenship, helping to prevent threats of deportation that faced Love and Thoms.


Medicina ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Urmo Kiitam ◽  
Lilita Voitkevica ◽  
Saima Timpmann ◽  
Inese Pontaga ◽  
Jaan Ereline ◽  
...  

Background and Objectives: Only a few studies have reported the pre-practice hydration status in soccer players (SPs) who train in a cool climate. The primary purpose of this study was to examine the hydration status of male semiprofessional SPs immediately before their regular training session in winter. The secondary purpose was to compare the urinary indices of the hydration status of Estonian and Latvian SPs. Materials and Methods: Pre-training urine samples were collected from 40 Estonian (age 22.1 ± 3.4 years, soccer training experience 13.7 ± 3.9 years) and 41 Latvian (age 20.8 ± 3.4 years, soccer training experience 13.3 ± 3.0 years) SPs and analyzed for urine specific gravity (USG). The average outdoor temperature during the sample collection period (January–March) was between −5.1 °C and 0.2 °C (Estonia) and −1.9 °C and −5.0 °C (Latvia). Results: The average pre-training USG of Estonian and Latvian SPs did not differ (P = 0.464). Pooling the data of Estonian and Latvian SPs yielded a mean USG value of 1.021 ± 0.007. Hypohydration (defined as a USG ≥ 1.020) was evident altogether in fifty SPs (61.7%) and one of them had a USG value greater than 1.030. Conclusions: Estonian and Latvian SPs do not differ in respect of USG and the prevalence of pre-training hypohydration is high in this athletic cohort. These findings suggest that SPs as well as their coaches, athletic trainers, and sports physicians should be better educated to recognize the importance of maintaining euhydration during the daily training routine in wintertime and to apply appropriate measures to avoid hypohydration.


2008 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynne Chester

With the ascendancy of neoliberalism, the Australian state has not only remained strongly interventionist but has also expanded its sphere of influence and scope of activity. This is contrary to claims of a reduced, withered or slimmed neoliberal state. The Australian state's interventions have become increasingly varied in the overwhelming pursuit of structural competitiveness. It has developed an extensive ‘micro-structuring’ role, particularly through the creation of new regulatory instruments and institutions, but has not relinquished its economic ‘macro-structuring’ role notwithstanding changes to macroeconomic policy priorities. The Australian state's interventions have shaped all institutional forms comprising the mode of régulation that guides and supports the accumulation regime. This article discusses the reconfiguration of the Australian state and the forms of its ongoing interventions which have secured and sustained the contemporary growth regime.


2001 ◽  
Vol 77 (238) ◽  
pp. 252-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Dixon ◽  
David Shepherd

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