210Po concentration in selected diatoms and dinoflagellates in the northern Arabian Gulf

2018 ◽  
Vol 129 (1) ◽  
pp. 343-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Uddin ◽  
M. Behbehani ◽  
A.N. Al-Ghadban ◽  
S. Sajid ◽  
V. Vinod Kumar ◽  
...  
2018 ◽  
Vol 133 ◽  
pp. 861-864 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saif Uddin ◽  
Montaha Behbehani ◽  
Abdulnabi Al-Ghadban ◽  
Sufiya Sajid ◽  
W. Al-Zekri ◽  
...  

2010 ◽  
Vol 23 (0) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Amina A. Hashim ◽  
A.R.M.Mohamed ◽  
Amjad K. Resen

2013 ◽  
Vol 26 (2 (special Issue)) ◽  
pp. 55-71
Author(s):  
A. R. M. Mohamed ◽  
A. K. T. Yesser ◽  
A. H. J. Abdullah

Author(s):  
Amer Hassan Thabit

The Arab Gulf region in particular, and with it the entire Arab region in general, is witnessing multiple challenges and conflicts, escalating, in a way that reflects the presence of overlapping in the dimensions: internal, regional and international, which imposes important effects on Iraq. Iraq is part of the Arab Gulf region, and it interferes with it: historically, geographically, ethnically, and politically. It cannot be overlooked that Iraq was in historical stages that was considered the dominant force in this region, especially in the stage of the civilization’s dominance before the role of Iraq and its place in civilization declines. Today, the region is witnessing multiple challenges, which began with the escalation of regional sectarian political events associated with the event of the occupation of Iraq, with a tendency to disturb the regional balance due to the dismantling of the capabilities of Iraq, and the matter came to the loosening of regional conflicts due to what the region is going through, and the perspective of the active forces in it, which has overcome the perspective The struggle for cooperation. The entry or presence of the international worker in the regional conflicts in the Arab Gulf region caused the intensity of the conflicts to multiply instead of settling them, and Iran has presented on more than one occasion that it has the capabilities to implement the option of closing the Strait of Hormuz or impeding the freedom and safety of maritime navigation in international waters in the Arabian Gulf, And the matter was not related to the US sanctions regime on Iran in the year 2018 and beyond, but it is before it.     The Iranian threat to close the Strait of Hormuz at the very least, or any development in the regional conflict in the region, can damage the interests of Iraq and its security, for two reasons: First, most of Iraq’s trade passes through the waters of the Persian Gulf, and the second is that there is an overlap between Iraq and peoples and countries The region, and just as sectarianism moved from Iraq to the region after 2003, the Gulf conflict and tension can move into Iraq or affect Iraq’s policy. Iraq should search for political alternatives that help it in dealing with the developments of the conflict in the Arab Gulf region. Perhaps this research presents some of the options and alternatives that can help the Iraqi decision-maker, if there is an important development in the Gulf-Western conflict with Iran


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanaa Ashour

Transnational education (TNE), responding to the growing global demand for education, plays a fundamental role in the current debate on the internationalisation and globalisation of higher education. Conducting a systematic literature review, this paper examines the characteristics of German transnational education, which has little in common with the American and British models, the reasons for its limited presence in the Gulf and its potential for having a stronger footprint. Since education for Germany is a public good, financial gain has never been a decisive factor for German universities to venture abroad. Whilst the Gulf Region is the largest importer of foreign education, German TNE is only represented by one university there, compared to the overwhelming number of US, UK and Australian higher education institutions. Although the Gulf Region is considered as a lucrative and appealing market for foreign education, lack of engagement of German TNE there could be interpreted through public policy-related reasons. Since Germany has already established its footprint in creating a unique brand of TNE, the paper recommends to build upon the country’s expertise in low-risk option for Germany to invest in the Gulf. For this to materialise, Germany must build awareness of its unique brand to stand out among the competition. 


Paléorient ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarethe Uerpmann ◽  
Hans-Peter Uerpmann

Author(s):  
Kleanthis Kyriakidis

In the Arabian Gulf two identities can be really considered almost as important as the national one: the tribal and the sectarian ones. Someone should expect that the reinforcement of these identities is a direct response to inequality and processes of exclusion. Furthermore, parochial tribalism is expected to arise as the protector of cultural heritage, especially in a region where the ex-pats vastly outnumber the locals. Nonetheless, both statements are far from truth. In this paper we will analyze how in the Gulf, sectarian identity came to play a significant role only after the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran and it keeps on surviving through mainly instigations and Iranian propaganda, provocations and support. It should be noted that Sunni identity has been allegedly subjugated in other Middle East States (mainly in Syria and Iraq) but in the Gulf the sectarian challenge stems from the Shia communities, openly supported by Tehran. Strangely enough, the tribal identity does not pose that much of a challenge, since tribes are more the friend than the enemy of all Gulf States. Actually, these countries could not have survived without the loyalty and commitment of the tribes not only to the Royal families but also to the idea of the State and the ideal of the Nation – and Gulf Nations do protect their cultural heritage. Keywords: Gulf, Globalization, Fragmentation, Sectarianism, Tribalism


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