scholarly journals Sociopolitical Values and Social Institutions: Studying Work and Health Equity through the Lens of Political Economy

2021 ◽  
pp. 100787
Author(s):  
Kaori Fujishiro ◽  
Emily Q. Ahonen ◽  
David Gimeno Ruiz de Porras ◽  
I-Chen Chen ◽  
Fernando G. Benavides
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nellis Mardhiah

Theoretically, the media and politics can not be separated. Media and politics are like two sides of the same coin in which each one requires another. This is what happened in Aceh. Media and political links are highly visible in the practice of the press in Aceh. The presence of the media in Aceh seems very much to serve the political ambition through the news. The practice of the press industry looks like it is thick with the nuances of interest, which is interestingly studied with the approach of political economy. Political economy theorists see that there are certain groups that control economic institutions that then affect other social institutions, including the media and the press. In other words, the mastery of economic institutions will lead to the mastery of almost all aspects of life, ranging from small things such as how to eat to big things like communication devices. The mastery is meant to perpetuate their economic power. In the context of Aceh specially post-enactment of the Law on Aceh Goverment. The presence of local media is not only a part of the vortex of information, but also present as part of local political democratization. This is the challenge of the media or the local press itself. Does the media capable of maintaining its independence in managing information? or actually engaging in political practices in favor of certain political groups? Keywords: Local Media, Political Economic Media, Elite Politic, Aceh.


2020 ◽  
Vol 140 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-30
Author(s):  
Cameron Harwick

If there exist no incentive or selective mechanisms that make cooperation in large groups incentive-compatible under realistic circumstances, functional social institutions will require subjective preferences to diverge from objective payoffs – a “noble lie.” This implies the existence of irreducible and irreconcilable “inside” and “outside” perspectives on social institutions; that is, between foundationalist and functionalist approaches, both of which have a long pedigree in political economy. The conflict between the two, and the inability in practice to dispense with either, has a number of surprising implications for human organizations, including the impossibility of algorithmic governance, the necessity of discretionary rule enforcement in the breach, and the difficulty of an ethical economics of institutions. Leeson and Suarez argue that “some superstitions, and perhaps many, support self-governing arrangements. The relationship between such scientifically false beliefs and private institutions is symbiotic and socially productive” (2015, 48). This paper stakes out a stronger claim: that something like superstition is essential for any governance arrangement, self- or otherwise. Specifically, we argue that human social structure both requires and maintains a systematic divergence between subjective preferences and objective payoffs, in a way that usually (though in principle does not necessarily) entails “scientifically false beliefs” for at least a subset of agents. We will refer to the basis of such preferences from the perspective of those holding them as an “inside perspective,” as opposed to a functionalist-evolutionary explanation of their existence, which we will call an “outside perspective.” Drawing on the theory of cooperation, we then show that the two perspectives are in principle irreconcilable, discussing some implications of that fact for political economy and the prospects of social organization.


2019 ◽  
pp. 31-66
Author(s):  
James R. Otteson

Chapter 2 investigates the explanation Adam Smith gave in his famous Wealth of Nations (1776) for why some places are wealthier than others, and what political, economic, and other social institutions are required for increasing prosperity. The chapter discusses the conception of “justice,” as opposed to “beneficence,” that Smith offered The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759), as well as Smith’s economizer, local knowledge, and invisible hand arguments from his Wealth of Nations that form the basis of his political economy. We look at the duties of government implied by Smithian political economy, including both what he argues government should do and what it should not do. We also look at empirical evidence to answer the question of whether Smith’s predictions on behalf of his recommendations have come true in the intervening centuries.


Author(s):  
Helen F. Siu

The analysis of lineage, community, and politics in this essay illustrates some general concern of historical anthropology: how do historical events take into account inequalities of power, and how are social institutions and cultural perceptions understood in the spatial context of an evolving, differentiating political economy? In state agrarian societies where hierarchies of power and diverse bases of authority exist and are often contested, stability rests on the ways local elites anchor themselves in the community as well as within the larger polity. The evolution of local legitimacy involves the percolation of a state culture, be it imperial or revolutionary. In numerous arenas, the locally powerful and those they dominated were engaged in shaping this process. As in other times, discourses on lineage and community in the 20th century were ways by which several generations of political actors created a new language by means of inherited words.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 608-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
Courtney L. McNamara

Globally, numerous national strategies have taken aim at reducing health inequities. An ever-present tension characterizing these strategies, however, is their lack of attention to the global political economy. This commentary argues that national policies which target only domestic factors (without engaging with the global political economy) will be limited, both, in their ability to address national levels of health equity and the larger global health inequity problem. Meaningful proposals to reduce health inequities have been made that take into account a global political economy perspective. National health equity strategies could provide the lacking momentum to advance such proposals, but will require united and sustained advocacy by global health and health equity scholars. Ultimately, relieving the tension between national health equity commitments and global health equity concerns could be one of the new approaches needed to improve health equity worldwide.


2015 ◽  
Vol 85 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Houman Harouni

Why do schools teach the mathematics that they do? In this essay, Houman Harouni asserts that educational institutions offer mathematics standards and curricula without providing convincing justifications and that students are tested on content whose purpose neither they nor their teachers clearly understand. He proposes a theoretical framework for understanding the content and pedagogy of school mathematics as a set of practices reflecting sociopolitical values, particularly in relation to labor and citizenship. Beginning with a critical study of the history of mathematics instruction, Harouni traces the origins of modern math education to the early institutions in which mathematics served a clear utilitarian purpose, and in the process he unearths common, unexamined assumptions regarding the place and form of mathematics education in contemporary society.


Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
pp. 198-212
Author(s):  
Nancy Folbre

This essay offers a new way of visualizing structures of collective power based on gender, emphasizing the role of social institutions in shaping women's ability to bargain over the distribution of the gains from cooperation with men. It makes the case for an interdisciplinary conceptualization of bargaining power that emphasizes the role of imperfect information and inefficient outcomes, and explains important parallels between structures of collective power based on gender, age, and sexuality, and those based on other dimensions of socially assigned group membership such as race, ethnicity, citizenship, and class. Recognition of the importance of reproductive work helps advance the project of developing intersectional political economy.


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