Social institutions (continued): Political economy; religion; language.

2011 ◽  
pp. 206-238
Author(s):  
Gladys Bryson
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nellis Mardhiah

Theoretically, the media and politics can not be separated. Media and politics are like two sides of the same coin in which each one requires another. This is what happened in Aceh. Media and political links are highly visible in the practice of the press in Aceh. The presence of the media in Aceh seems very much to serve the political ambition through the news. The practice of the press industry looks like it is thick with the nuances of interest, which is interestingly studied with the approach of political economy. Political economy theorists see that there are certain groups that control economic institutions that then affect other social institutions, including the media and the press. In other words, the mastery of economic institutions will lead to the mastery of almost all aspects of life, ranging from small things such as how to eat to big things like communication devices. The mastery is meant to perpetuate their economic power. In the context of Aceh specially post-enactment of the Law on Aceh Goverment. The presence of local media is not only a part of the vortex of information, but also present as part of local political democratization. This is the challenge of the media or the local press itself. Does the media capable of maintaining its independence in managing information? or actually engaging in political practices in favor of certain political groups? Keywords: Local Media, Political Economic Media, Elite Politic, Aceh.


2020 ◽  
Vol 140 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-30
Author(s):  
Cameron Harwick

If there exist no incentive or selective mechanisms that make cooperation in large groups incentive-compatible under realistic circumstances, functional social institutions will require subjective preferences to diverge from objective payoffs – a “noble lie.” This implies the existence of irreducible and irreconcilable “inside” and “outside” perspectives on social institutions; that is, between foundationalist and functionalist approaches, both of which have a long pedigree in political economy. The conflict between the two, and the inability in practice to dispense with either, has a number of surprising implications for human organizations, including the impossibility of algorithmic governance, the necessity of discretionary rule enforcement in the breach, and the difficulty of an ethical economics of institutions. Leeson and Suarez argue that “some superstitions, and perhaps many, support self-governing arrangements. The relationship between such scientifically false beliefs and private institutions is symbiotic and socially productive” (2015, 48). This paper stakes out a stronger claim: that something like superstition is essential for any governance arrangement, self- or otherwise. Specifically, we argue that human social structure both requires and maintains a systematic divergence between subjective preferences and objective payoffs, in a way that usually (though in principle does not necessarily) entails “scientifically false beliefs” for at least a subset of agents. We will refer to the basis of such preferences from the perspective of those holding them as an “inside perspective,” as opposed to a functionalist-evolutionary explanation of their existence, which we will call an “outside perspective.” Drawing on the theory of cooperation, we then show that the two perspectives are in principle irreconcilable, discussing some implications of that fact for political economy and the prospects of social organization.


2019 ◽  
pp. 31-66
Author(s):  
James R. Otteson

Chapter 2 investigates the explanation Adam Smith gave in his famous Wealth of Nations (1776) for why some places are wealthier than others, and what political, economic, and other social institutions are required for increasing prosperity. The chapter discusses the conception of “justice,” as opposed to “beneficence,” that Smith offered The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759), as well as Smith’s economizer, local knowledge, and invisible hand arguments from his Wealth of Nations that form the basis of his political economy. We look at the duties of government implied by Smithian political economy, including both what he argues government should do and what it should not do. We also look at empirical evidence to answer the question of whether Smith’s predictions on behalf of his recommendations have come true in the intervening centuries.


Author(s):  
Helen F. Siu

The analysis of lineage, community, and politics in this essay illustrates some general concern of historical anthropology: how do historical events take into account inequalities of power, and how are social institutions and cultural perceptions understood in the spatial context of an evolving, differentiating political economy? In state agrarian societies where hierarchies of power and diverse bases of authority exist and are often contested, stability rests on the ways local elites anchor themselves in the community as well as within the larger polity. The evolution of local legitimacy involves the percolation of a state culture, be it imperial or revolutionary. In numerous arenas, the locally powerful and those they dominated were engaged in shaping this process. As in other times, discourses on lineage and community in the 20th century were ways by which several generations of political actors created a new language by means of inherited words.


2021 ◽  
pp. 100787
Author(s):  
Kaori Fujishiro ◽  
Emily Q. Ahonen ◽  
David Gimeno Ruiz de Porras ◽  
I-Chen Chen ◽  
Fernando G. Benavides

Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
pp. 198-212
Author(s):  
Nancy Folbre

This essay offers a new way of visualizing structures of collective power based on gender, emphasizing the role of social institutions in shaping women's ability to bargain over the distribution of the gains from cooperation with men. It makes the case for an interdisciplinary conceptualization of bargaining power that emphasizes the role of imperfect information and inefficient outcomes, and explains important parallels between structures of collective power based on gender, age, and sexuality, and those based on other dimensions of socially assigned group membership such as race, ethnicity, citizenship, and class. Recognition of the importance of reproductive work helps advance the project of developing intersectional political economy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (54) ◽  
pp. 154-166
Author(s):  
Karolina Gorditsa ◽  
◽  

The article is devoted to the study and coverage of the institutional environment formation in the scientific achievements of the famous scientist-economist of the XIX century Ivan Vernadsky. The purpose of the study is the historical and economic generalization of I. Vernadsky's views on the institutional aspects of economic activity and development. The scientist had a deep understanding of the important role that social institutions play in economic reality and the importance of their study for the completeness of economic analysis. He highly valued the work of other economists who used institutional approaches, and paid considerable attention in his work to the influence of the institutional environment and its individual components on the results of economic activity. The main attention of the article is devoted to the historical-theoretical analysis of I. Vernadsky's views on the concept of property and possession as key categories of economy and law, their economic significance and relationship with other categories of political economy, such as wealth, value, income. The author analyzes I. Vernadsky's views on the most important institutional factors of economic development, in particular economic freedom, free private property, development of knowledge, education and science, education of such moral qualities as conscience, honesty, thrift, etc., as well as the influence of national mentality on economic policy. The conclusion is that the original concept of property and possession developed by I. Vernadsky can be assessed as a significant achievement of contemporary economics, as it contains not only the postulates of classical political economy, but also elements of the subsequent institutional theory of property rights, in particular the institutional nature of ownership and property as factors that determine the borders of economic activity.


2019 ◽  
pp. 134-167
Author(s):  
Jennifer Bussell

This chapter presents a discussion of service provision in India, to set the context for an analysis of distributive politics and, in particular, constituency service, in a patronage democracy. It lays out the features of India’s political economy that continue to lead us to describe it as a patronage democracy. It then outlines the characteristics of India’s primary political, bureaucratic, and social institutions, considering the formal roles and responsibilities of key actors at all levels of government with regard to distributive politics and their informal powers over distribution, at the national, state, and local levels. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the potential for constituency service in India from the perspective of prevailing theories, considering in particular the character of political institutions, the nature of electoral and party politics, and the dynamics that may—or may not—encourage politicians to build personal reputations for responsiveness.


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