Traffic-law enforcement and risk of death from motor-vehicle crashes: case-crossover study

The Lancet ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 361 (9376) ◽  
pp. 2177-2182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald A Redelmeier ◽  
Robert J Tibshirani ◽  
Leonard Evans
BMJ ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 331 (7514) ◽  
pp. 428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne P McEvoy ◽  
Mark R Stevenson ◽  
Anne T McCartt ◽  
Mark Woodward ◽  
Claire Haworth ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (6) ◽  
pp. 573-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Narges Khanjani ◽  
Masoomeh Mousavi ◽  
Amirreza Dehghanian ◽  
Yunes Jahani ◽  
Hamid Souri

2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles N Mock ◽  
David C Grossman ◽  
Robert P Kaufman ◽  
Christopher D Mack ◽  
Frederick P Rivara

2001 ◽  
Vol 1779 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. White ◽  
Simon P. Washington

Persistent use of safety restraints prevents deaths and reduces the severity and number of injuries resulting from motor vehicle crashes. However, safety-restraint use rates in the United States have been below those of other nations with safety-restraint enforcement laws. With a better understanding of the relationship between safety-restraint law enforcement and safety-restraint use, programs can be implemented to decrease the number of deaths and injuries resulting from motor vehicle crashes. Does safety-restraint use increase as enforcement increases? Do motorists increase their safety-restraint use in response to the general presence of law enforcement or to targeted law enforcement efforts? Does a relationship between enforcement and restraint use exist at the countywide level? A logistic regression model was estimated by using county-level safety-restraint use data and traffic citation statistics collected in 13 counties within the state of Florida in 1997. The model results suggest that safety-restraint use is positively correlated with enforcement intensity, is negatively correlated with safety-restraint enforcement coverage (in lanemiles of enforcement coverage), and is greater in urban than rural areas. The quantification of these relationships may assist Florida and other law enforcement agencies in raising safety-restraint use rates by allocating limited funds more efficiently either by allocating additional time for enforcement activities of the existing force or by increasing enforcement staff. In addition, the research supports a commonsense notion that enforcement activities do result in behavioral response.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher M Rembold

ABSTRACTPeople do not naturally understand risk. We fear things that happen rarely like kidnapping while ignoring common risks like motor vehicle crashes. We also do not fully comprehend the large effect that age has on risk. In this paper, I introduce a concept that I call age specific months of mortality, abbreviated MOMa, a statistic that will allow people to understand their risk of death within their age group. In a year without excess mortality, i.e. no pandemic, individual causes of death will add up to a total of 12 MOMa. Excess mortality, e.g. a pandemic, adds MOMa beyond 12. For people in their 20s, the MOMa is 5 for accidents, 1.9 for suicide, 1.6 for homicide, and 1.2 for Covid-19. For people in their 60s, the MOMa is 12 for Covid-19, 4 for cancer, 2.6 for coronary heart, and treatment of Covid-19 with dexamethasone reduces MOMa from 12 to 7 months.


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