Repression, mobilization, and social policy: The Virginia civil rights movement and the war on poverty

Author(s):  
Hana E. Brown
Author(s):  
Peter Temin

The FTE sector originated in 1971 when Nixon, elected by a Southern Strategy that appealed to Southern whites, replaced Johnson’s War on Poverty with a War on Drugs. Nixon also appointed Powell to the Supreme Court shortly after Powell wrote a secret memo to the Chamber of Commerce in 1971 calling American business to arms over a perceived threat to the business community. These coincident actions were backlashes from the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, and they were obscured by the economic turmoil of the 1970s. Reagan appears as the originator of neo-conservatism as he broke unions and lowered taxes even though this ideology arose a decade earlier. The Reagan tax cuts and the growth of finance led to rapidly growing incomes of rich people.


Author(s):  
Emma J. Folwell

The introduction traces the intertwined history of racism and poverty in Mississippi and describes how civil rights activists used these experiences in shaping their fight for racial justice. It outlines the central argument of the book, explaining that from 1965 to 1973, there was both a war against poverty and a war against the war on poverty in Mississippi. The war on poverty provided a powerful tool for black empowerment, drawing on the vitality of Mississippi’s civil rights movement. At the same time, the fight against the war on poverty served as a template for white resistance and entrenchment, and as a way to undermine liberalism, marginalize black political power, and articulate a new conservatism.


Educatio ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-349
Author(s):  
Katalin Forray R. ◽  
Tamás Kozma

Összefoglaló. A befogadás (inklúzió) eredetileg a szegénypolitika (szociálpolitika) szakkifejezése volt. Onnan terjedt át a társadalompolitikába és a pedagógiába (gyógypedagógia). A Lisszaboni Egyezmény (2000) óta az Európai Unió hivatalos állásfoglalásaiban visszatérően szerepel mint törekvés a „társadalmi kohézió” erősítésére. A jogvédelem eredete visszanyúlik az 1960-as évtized amerikai polgárjogi mozgalmára. Két eset ismertetésével a szerzők bemutatják a kétféle mozgalom hasonlóságait és különbségeit; összekapcsolva őket a roma/cigány oktatáspolitika dilemmáival. A roma/cigány szegénység még mindig szükségessé teszi a befogadás politikáját. Ugyanakkor a szegénységből kiemelkedő roma/cigány középosztály köreiben erősödik a politizálás szándéka és a jogvédelem igénye. Summary. “Inclusion” has initially been a social policy term. Its use spread from there to policies of welfare, healthcare and education (special education). Inclusion has repeatedly mentioned since the Treaty of Lisbon (2007) in European Union resolutions as an effort to strengthen “social cohesion”. “Legal protection”, on the other hand, goes back to the American civil rights movement of the 1960s. By describing two Hungarian cases, the authors present the similarities and differences between the two policies; linking them to the dilemmas of Roma education policy. Inclusion as a social policy is still necessary because of existing Roma poverties. At the same time, the intention to politicize and the need for legal protection is growing among the new Roma middle class, which emerges out of poverty and steps into the political arena.


Author(s):  
Stephen Schryer

This chapter explores the persistence of community action as an ideal in post-1960s black feminist fiction, focusing on Alice Walker’s Meridian and Toni Cade Bambara’s The Salt Eaters. Both writers began their careers as social workers associated with War on Poverty programs; both were also influenced by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee’s version of community action, implemented during the 1964 Freedom Summer. In their novels, Walker and Bambara explore the legacy of the civil rights movement, focusing on intraracial class divisions that community action was supposed to suture. In both novels, these divisions turn out to be ineradicable, and their persistence marks the Southern folk aesthetic—the influential version of process art that Walker, Bambara, and other black feminist writers created in the 1970s.


Author(s):  
Greta de Jong

Two revolutions roiled the rural South after the mid-1960s: the political revolution wrought by the passage of civil rights legislation, and the ongoing economic revolution brought about by increasing agricultural mechanization. Political empowerment for black southerners coincided with the transformation of southern agriculture and the displacement of thousands of former sharecroppers from the land. Focusing on the plantation regions of Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi, Greta de Jong analyzes how social justice activists responded to mass unemployment by lobbying political leaders, initiating antipoverty projects, and forming cooperative enterprises that fostered economic and political autonomy, efforts that encountered strong opposition from free market proponents who opposed government action to solve the crisis. Making clear the relationship between the civil rights movement and the War on Poverty, this history of rural organizing shows how responses to labor displacement in the South shaped the experiences of other Americans who were affected by mass layoffs in the late twentieth century, shedding light on a debate that continues to reverberate today.


Author(s):  
Greta de Jong

This chapter describes how the conservative political discourse of the 1970s echoed the sentiments expressed by southern opponents of the civil rights movement and the War on Poverty in the 1960s, tracing changes in federal policy that reflected the growing acceptance of these ideas among government officials and the population at large. Citing the need to halt the trend toward federal intervention in the economy and other areas of American life, President Richard Nixon proclaimed an era of “New Federalism” that reduced funding for antipoverty programs and restored control over economic development to state and local governments. These moves neutralized the transformative potential of the War on Poverty and left existing power relations intact, leaving poor people without strong advocates in government or adequate assistance during a decade of rising unemployment and economic distress.


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