Maintaining Ethnic Boundary: The Ethnogenesis of Madhesi Identity in Nepal Tarai

This article attempts to illuminate on the processes wherein diverse groups of Madhesi people of the central Tarai have been ethnicized to form a shared identity in the specific historical and socio-political context of Nepal. Drawing on the perceptions and subjective experiences of Madhesi individuals in terms of their identity, it is argued that Madhesi identity has come into being and maintained through the practices of boundary maintenance that encompasses relational processes of inclusion and exclusion. Madhesi people have re(asserted) their cultural contrast to the Pahadis and claim political autonomy of the Tarai territory where they belong for making ethnic distinction and maintaining group boundary.

The Czechoslovak Orient: Carpathian Ruthenia as an Imagined Colonial Space

<p>In 1919 the territory of Subcarpathian Ruthenia joined the new state of Czechoslovakia under the terms set by the Treaty of Saint Germain. During the following twenty years a relationship developed between Czechs and Ruthenia’s Rusyn inhabitants which this study considers as an example of imperialism and colonialism. The Czech media applied a colonial framework in its portrayals of Ruthenia, encouraging the Czech public to see the poor and undeveloped territory as a colony ruled from Prague. Rusyns also used colonial terminology as a means of criticizing the Czech officials who ruled them. The colonial discourse occurred despite a shared Slavic ethnic background and even as representatives of both nations expressed brotherhood and solidarity towards one another. Some Czech officials sent to Ruthenia adopted imperialist attitudes and practices in an environment of minimal bureaucratic oversight, leading to friction with the Rusyn intelligentsia. Faced with the threat of Czechization, Rusyns struggled to achieve autonomy and an anti-imperialist movement supporting Rusyn rights developed among Czech Communists. The Prague government sought to defend its actions in Ruthenia against accusations of mistreatment by the Hungarian revisionist movement. The existing Anglophone and Czech-language historiography on interwar Ruthenia generally portrays Czech rule as kindly and beneficial for the Rusyn population, focusing on Slavic kinship. Aiming to provide a fresh and detailed analysis of the Czechoslovak administration and the cultural forces at work in forming a colonial discourse, this study draws on an extensive range of government documents, newspapers and archival materials collected in Prague and Brno. By applying the theories of Edward Said, Jürgen Osterhammel, Maria Todorova and Kristin Kopp, the relationship is assessed through the terminology of discursive and material colonialism, together with Orientalism, liberal imperialism and internal colonialism. Three different areas of scholarly interest are the focus of this study: symbolic geography and colonial discourses in European contexts, political and social developments in Ruthenia, and treatment of national minorities in interwar Czechoslovakia. The study includes eight chapters which alternate between viewing the relationship from the Czech perspective and the Rusyn perspective. The opening chapter analyzes the Czech role as Slavic leaders and benefactors in the new republic and how a Czech humanitarian mission became a mission civilisatrice. The second chapter focuses on the shift in thinking among Rusyns from jubilation after joining the republic to growing disillusionment over denial of political autonomy. Chapters three and four describe the formation of a discursive colonial relationship; the third chapter presents how Czechs imagined Rusyns in the mold of colonial stereotypes, while the fourth chapter analyzes how Czechs and Rusyns imagined their relationship through comparisons to other colonial regions such as Africa, the Orient and Siberia. Chapter five focuses on the experiences of Czech officials working in Ruthenia, highlighting the shift in Rusyn perceptions of these administrators from Slavic brothers to imperialists. The role played by Czech official and publisher František Svojše as a symbol of Czech chauvinism receives special attention in the analysis. The sixth chapter covers the Czech anti-colonial movement among Communists and left-wing authors such as Ivan Olbracht who condemned the imperialist character of the Czech administration in Ruthenia. Chapter seven outlines the Rusyn struggle for autonomy and resistance of Czechization until the achievement of an independent parliament in 1938. The final chapter describes the Czech fear of imperial loss, analyzing how Czech media and politicians defended Czechoslovak rule in Ruthenia against international criticism and the Hungarian revisionist movement.</p>

The Czechoslovak Orient: Carpathian Ruthenia as an Imagined Colonial Space

<p>In 1919 the territory of Subcarpathian Ruthenia joined the new state of Czechoslovakia under the terms set by the Treaty of Saint Germain. During the following twenty years a relationship developed between Czechs and Ruthenia’s Rusyn inhabitants which this study considers as an example of imperialism and colonialism. The Czech media applied a colonial framework in its portrayals of Ruthenia, encouraging the Czech public to see the poor and undeveloped territory as a colony ruled from Prague. Rusyns also used colonial terminology as a means of criticizing the Czech officials who ruled them. The colonial discourse occurred despite a shared Slavic ethnic background and even as representatives of both nations expressed brotherhood and solidarity towards one another. Some Czech officials sent to Ruthenia adopted imperialist attitudes and practices in an environment of minimal bureaucratic oversight, leading to friction with the Rusyn intelligentsia. Faced with the threat of Czechization, Rusyns struggled to achieve autonomy and an anti-imperialist movement supporting Rusyn rights developed among Czech Communists. The Prague government sought to defend its actions in Ruthenia against accusations of mistreatment by the Hungarian revisionist movement. The existing Anglophone and Czech-language historiography on interwar Ruthenia generally portrays Czech rule as kindly and beneficial for the Rusyn population, focusing on Slavic kinship. Aiming to provide a fresh and detailed analysis of the Czechoslovak administration and the cultural forces at work in forming a colonial discourse, this study draws on an extensive range of government documents, newspapers and archival materials collected in Prague and Brno. By applying the theories of Edward Said, Jürgen Osterhammel, Maria Todorova and Kristin Kopp, the relationship is assessed through the terminology of discursive and material colonialism, together with Orientalism, liberal imperialism and internal colonialism. Three different areas of scholarly interest are the focus of this study: symbolic geography and colonial discourses in European contexts, political and social developments in Ruthenia, and treatment of national minorities in interwar Czechoslovakia. The study includes eight chapters which alternate between viewing the relationship from the Czech perspective and the Rusyn perspective. The opening chapter analyzes the Czech role as Slavic leaders and benefactors in the new republic and how a Czech humanitarian mission became a mission civilisatrice. The second chapter focuses on the shift in thinking among Rusyns from jubilation after joining the republic to growing disillusionment over denial of political autonomy. Chapters three and four describe the formation of a discursive colonial relationship; the third chapter presents how Czechs imagined Rusyns in the mold of colonial stereotypes, while the fourth chapter analyzes how Czechs and Rusyns imagined their relationship through comparisons to other colonial regions such as Africa, the Orient and Siberia. Chapter five focuses on the experiences of Czech officials working in Ruthenia, highlighting the shift in Rusyn perceptions of these administrators from Slavic brothers to imperialists. The role played by Czech official and publisher František Svojše as a symbol of Czech chauvinism receives special attention in the analysis. The sixth chapter covers the Czech anti-colonial movement among Communists and left-wing authors such as Ivan Olbracht who condemned the imperialist character of the Czech administration in Ruthenia. Chapter seven outlines the Rusyn struggle for autonomy and resistance of Czechization until the achievement of an independent parliament in 1938. The final chapter describes the Czech fear of imperial loss, analyzing how Czech media and politicians defended Czechoslovak rule in Ruthenia against international criticism and the Hungarian revisionist movement.</p>

“Incurable Megalomania” and “Fantasies of Expansion”: The German Army Reimagines Empire in Occupied Poland, 1915–1918

Plans for a Polish “border strip” are frequently cited to argue that the German army entered the First World War committed to pacifying conquered space through Germanization. This article contends that, in 1914, the German officer corps did not understand national homogeneity as essential for imperial security. Many influential officers insisted that Polish identity was compatible with German imperial loyalty. They supported a multinational imperial model, proposing to trade Poland its cultural and political autonomy for the acceptance of German suzerainty in foreign policy and military command. The army's preference for Germanizing space developed during the occupation of Russian Poland, as officers learned to conflate diversity with imperial fragility. Only a series of political crises after 1916 shifted military opinion against multinational imperialism. Increasingly convinced that Poland would betray the German Empire, some officers abandoned multinationalism. Others revised their plans to contain Poland and fortify Germany by annexing and Germanizing Polish space.

Religion, Religions and J.Rawls’ Political Project

The essay explores the relationship between religion and Rawls from the perspective of some issues that are central to his political project: political autonomy, public reason and the implications of the fact of pluralism for the development of the idea of decent peoples. Religion has a dual dimension in political liberalism, plural and singular. The problem of the liberal political transition is to allow these two dimensions to coexist harmoniously within the liberal political project.

Newcomers as Accessories: A Study of Basque and Catalan Autonomy Campaigns through Immigrant Integration Strategies

<p>This thesis examines the political autonomy campaigns of subnational entities. Subnational entities may be defined as political entities located below the state level whose members are connected through historic territories and socio-cultural identities. Catalonia and the Basque Country are presented as the two case studies of this thesis and are approached with a comparative framework. From the outset, an examination of the Westphalian state structure of the international political system is provided, with particular emphasis on the political position of subnational entities. The thesis then utilises the contemporary phenomenon of international migration and explores the international immigration trends that affect Catalonia and the Basque Country. The potential tension at the intersection of international immigration and subnational autonomy campaigns is analysed, guided by the question of whether Catalonia or the Basque Country approach foreign immigration as a hindrance or a help to their political autonomy campaigns. The integration policies of Catalonia and the Basque Country are then assessed, as well as an analysis of the alternative political relations which Catalonia and the Basque Country have formed based upon the issue of foreign immigrant integration. This thesis finds that although the sovereign state structure continues to dominate the international political system, Catalonia and the Basque Country demonstrate how subnational autonomy campaigns continue to be pursued. Furthermore, this thesis finds that Catalonia and the Basque Country have recently utilised the issue of foreign immigrant integration as a stratagem for enhancing their informal political competencies.</p>

Newcomers as Accessories: A Study of Basque and Catalan Autonomy Campaigns through Immigrant Integration Strategies

<p>This thesis examines the political autonomy campaigns of subnational entities. Subnational entities may be defined as political entities located below the state level whose members are connected through historic territories and socio-cultural identities. Catalonia and the Basque Country are presented as the two case studies of this thesis and are approached with a comparative framework. From the outset, an examination of the Westphalian state structure of the international political system is provided, with particular emphasis on the political position of subnational entities. The thesis then utilises the contemporary phenomenon of international migration and explores the international immigration trends that affect Catalonia and the Basque Country. The potential tension at the intersection of international immigration and subnational autonomy campaigns is analysed, guided by the question of whether Catalonia or the Basque Country approach foreign immigration as a hindrance or a help to their political autonomy campaigns. The integration policies of Catalonia and the Basque Country are then assessed, as well as an analysis of the alternative political relations which Catalonia and the Basque Country have formed based upon the issue of foreign immigrant integration. This thesis finds that although the sovereign state structure continues to dominate the international political system, Catalonia and the Basque Country demonstrate how subnational autonomy campaigns continue to be pursued. Furthermore, this thesis finds that Catalonia and the Basque Country have recently utilised the issue of foreign immigrant integration as a stratagem for enhancing their informal political competencies.</p>

FACTORS OF «BARBARIZATION» OF THE INSTITUTION OF MONARCHY IN OSTROGOTHIC SOCIETY IN THE FIRST HALF OF 6TH CENTURY

Целью статьи является выявление и анализ факторов, способствовавших актуализации характерных для состояния «варварства» социальных практик, сопровождавших адаптивные эволюционные изменения остготского общества в условиях кризиса идентичности в первой половине VI столетия. В качестве таких факторов рассматривается дуализм унаследованной римской государственной модели и этнического принципа формирования политической элиты остготского королевства, стремившейся к сохранению культурной и политической автономии; кризис самой римской модели управления (необходимо учитывать, что формально Теодорих Амал правил в качестве римского наместника, хотя статус его королевства и порядок передачи власти в нем не был определен) и сопряженный с этим противоречивый характер публично-правовой системы, отраженный в эдикте Теодориха; кризис германской модели управления, связанной с эрозией габитуса и социальных практик остготской военной аристократии рассматриваемого периода; наконец конфессиональный кризис, связанный с системными противоречиями между арианскими и ортодоксальнымии церковными институтами, что препятствовало возможности проведения соборов для легитимации власти. В качестве основного триггера обращения остготской элиты к «варварскому» наследию рассматривается война с Византией, повлекшая общий упадок экономики и общественных связей в Италии. The purpose of this article is to identify and analyze the factors that contributed to the actualization of the social practices belonging to the state of «barbarism» that accompanied the adaptive evolutionary changes of the Ostrogothic society in the context of the identity crisis in the first half of the 6th century. As such factors, the author considers the dualism of the inherited Roman state model and the ethnic principle of the formation of the political elite of the Ostrogothic kingdom, striving to preserve cultural and political autonomy; the crisis of the Roman model of government itself (formally Theodoric Amal ruled as a Roman governor, although the status of his kingdom and the procedure for transferring power in it was not determined) and the associated contradictory nature of the public law system, reflected in Theodoric's edict; the crisis of the Germanic model of leadership associated with the erosion of the habitus and social practices of the Ostrogothic military aristocracy of the period under review; finally, a confessional crisis associated with systemic contradictions between the Arian and Orthodox and ecclesiastical institutions, which hindered the possibility of holding councils to legitimize power. The war with Byzantium, which led to a general decline in the economy and public relations in Italy, is considered as the main trigger for the appeal of the Ostrogothic elite to the «barbarian» heritage.

The Customs of Conquest: Legal Primitivism and British Paramountcy in Northeast India

The discourse around indigeneity, customary rights of possession and claims to political autonomy in Northeast India conventionally traces the postcolonial protectionist legislation for ‘tribes’ to various acts passed under the late colonial state, the most significant precursor being seen as the Government of India Act, 1935. This article will argue that one can in fact trace the ‘original moment’ in the idea of customary law for ‘tribes’ much further back in history, to the early decades of the nineteenth century. This historical moment was anchored in the beginnings of the East India Company’s conquest of the Garo hills in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, in the appropriation of the land and revenue of the Garos and in the ethnogenesis of the ‘hill Garo’. The article will explore the ways in which the beginning of the invention of customary law and traditional authority in Northeast India under East India Company rule was impelled by the Company’s demands for revenue and was shielded and secured by the deployment of military power across the hills. Over the course of the nineteenth century, the strategies of imperial control first introduced in the region were reproduced across the rest of Northeast India, underscoring the significance of the Garo hills as the first ‘laboratory’ of colonial rule in the region as well as sharpening our understanding of the character of the early colonial state. The article thus takes as its task the historicization of the categories of ‘customary law’, ‘traditional/indigenous authority’ and the ‘hill tribe’, all of which form the basis of late colonial and postcolonial legislation on the ‘tribe’.

Discussion and inquiry: A Deweyan perspective on teaching controversial issues

There is a steady line of academic discourse around the topic of controversial issues and how to approach them in and through education. In this line of discourse, discussion is widely seen as a primary method of democratic education that is especially suitable to foster its major educational aims, such as tolerance, reciprocal respect, or political autonomy. The aim of this contribution is to show that the widespread emphasis on the educational and political value of discussions as a way to handle controversial issues in education can be problematic and one-sided. It is argued that the focus on discussions sometimes tends to be interpreted as a ‘magic bullet’ to all different sorts of controversies, without sufficient inquiry into the details that make up the controversy. This uniform solution threatens to downplay and underestimates other relevant components which are essential for the intelligent handling of controversial issues, such as practices of inquiry. Instead of questioning the political value and central educational role of discussing controversial issues tout court, the contribution points out some of the blind spots of the current debate and thereby aims to broaden the spectrum of theoretical and practical perspectives on how to approach controversial issues in education.