Treating Children, Feeding Junk Food: An Inquiry into a Middle Class Project

2018 ◽  
pp. 128-156
Author(s):  
Anjali Bhatia
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Roderick N. Labrador

This chapter argues that the Filipino Community Center represents a “class project” that not only reveals a repertoire of Filipino identities but also an active confrontation with the group's ethnoracially assigned identity and its political, economic, and social consequences. It analyzes the grand opening ceremonies of the Filipino Community Center and suggests that as a middle class project (with the Filipino Chamber of Commerce a central stakeholder), it emphasizes self-help entrepreneurship and the elevation of business-related “ethnic heroes” as part of the never-ending pursuit of the “American Dream” in a “Land of Immigrants.” The chapter investigates several interrelated issues, namely how those in the middle class shape subjectivity in a community that has been defined and defined itself as impoverished and subaltern, and the various ways Filipinos think about and perform class (via the images, symbols, and ideologies they use) to construct competing visions of “Filipino.”


2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-35
Author(s):  
Christine A. Ogren

In March 1887, Eva Moll wrote about the previous summer in her diary: “The season was fall of rich things of course. Heard some fine violin and harp playing by two Italians. I never expect to hear ‘Nearer my God to Thee’ sweeter on this earth, than it was played by the violinist. We first went to Niagara, visiting all the points.” Moll was not a wealthy person of leisure. She was a single Kansas schoolteacher in her late twenties who struggled to make ends meet, and yet had spent nine weeks at the quintessentially middle-class Chautauqua Institution in western New York State. A slice of my larger investigation of the history of teachers' “summers off,” this essay will explore the social-class dimensions of their summertime activities during a distinctive period for both the middle class and the teaching force in the United States, the decades of the 1880s through the 1930s.


2005 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-446 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Lawler

Although the classed dimensions of ‘taste’ have, following Bourdieu, been widely discussed, expressions of disgust at perceived violations of taste have been less frequently considered in relation to class. This paper considers various expressions of disgust at white working-class existence and explores what they might tell us about middle-class identities and identifications. I argue that the narratives of decline and of lack present in such representations can be seen in terms of a long-standing middle-class project of distinguishing itself. Drawing on Bourdieu's critique of Kantian aesthetics, I argue that the ownership of ‘taste’ is understood as reflecting true humanity, and as conferring uniqueness. Ironically, however, this uniqueness is only achieved through an incorporation of collective, classed understandings. The paper calls for a problematization of a normative and normalized middle-class location that is, I argue, given added legitimacy by a perceived decline in the significance of class itself. [A]n account of class, rank or social hierarchy must be thin indeed unless accompanied by an account of the passions and sentiments that sustain it (William Miller, The Anatomy of Disgust, p. 245). Social identity lies in difference, and difference is asserted against what is closest, which represents the greatest threat (Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction, p. 479). What we read as objective class divisions are produced and maintained by the middle class in the minutiae of everyday practice, as judgements of culture are put into effect (Beverley Skeggs, Class, Self, Culture, p. 118).


Author(s):  
Jennifer Jensen Wallach

This chapter explores the class tensions inherent in the middle-class project of reforming black food habits, demonstrating that working-class African Americans frequently did not share the certainty that foodways could be used as an avenue for citizenship and doubted many of the assumptions embedded in the project of cultural elevation subscribed to by black food reformers. One of the issues at the heart of the culinary tensions among members of the black community was the emerging question about whether there was a distinctive African American way of eating that was separate from mainstream American food culture. In the context of the Great Migration, “southern” food often became labeled “black” food in the northern cities that served as the terminus for black migrants. This transformation took place much to the consternation of black food reformers who, on the whole, resisted the idea of essential black cultural practices.


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