Fatal Adulteries: Sexual Politics in the English Revolution

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Samuel Fullerton

Abstract This article argues for a reconsideration of the origins of Restoration sexual politics through a detailed examination of the effusive sexual polemic of the English Revolution (1642–1660). During the early 1640s, unprecedented political upheaval and a novel public culture of participatory print combined to transform explicit sexual libel from a muted element of prewar English political culture into one of its preeminent features. In the process, political leaders at the highest levels of government—including Queen Henrietta Maria, Oliver Cromwell, and King Charles I—were confronted with extensive and graphic debates about their sexual histories in widely disseminated print polemic for the first time in English history. By the early 1650s, monarchical sexuality was a routine topic of scurrilous political commentary. Charles II was thus well acquainted with this novel polemical milieu by the time he assumed the throne in 1660, and his adoption of the “Merry Monarch” persona early in his reign represented a strategic attempt to turn mid-century sexual politics to his advantage, despite unprecedented levels of contemporary criticism. Restoration sexual culture was therefore largely the product of civil war polemical debate rather than the singular invention of a naturally libertine young king.

Author(s):  
Georges Dicker

This chapter is a brief biography of John Locke. It summarizes how his fortunes waxed and waned under the regimes of King Charles I, Oliver Cromwell, King Charles II, King James II, and the “Glorious Revolution,” and it touches on his education at Westminster School and Christ College and on his ties to the Earl of Shaftesbury and to Lady Masham. The chapter also provides a brief history of Locke’s publishing career, including the Essay and political works such as the First Treatise of Government (a critique of the doctrine of the Divine Right of Kings) and the Second Treatise of Government (an outline of the bases for democracy and an influence on the U.S. Constitution).


1953 ◽  
Vol 33 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 159-168
Author(s):  
The Duke of Wellington

The last act performed by King Charles I when he was standing on the scaffold beside his executioner was to hand the Lesser George of the Order of the Garter, which he was wearing suspended from a ribbon round his neck, to Bishop Juxon, uttering as he did so the word ‘Remember’. The George was taken from the bishop by the Parliamentarians, but was eventually recovered by Charles II.It is only natural to suppose that so sacred and so portable a relic was taken away by James II. He is stated by Madame de Sévigné to have used a George which had belonged to his father when investing the due de Lauzun with the Garter in February 1689. This is not recorded to have been the Scaffold George, but it shows that he took his family's insignia of the Garter with him into exile. In the eighteenth century it was universally believed that Charles I's Scaffold George was in the possession of the exiled Stuarts. Sir R. Payne-Gallwey quotes a letter written from Rome in December 1785. This letter describes Prince Charles Edward as wearing the George ‘which is interesting as being the one King Charles had on when he was beheaded, and that he desired to be sent to his son’.


2017 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 367-379
Author(s):  
Michael A. G. Haykin

William Kiffen, a central figure in the emergence of the British Particular Baptist community in the seventeenth century, came to congregationalist and baptistic convictions in the political and religious turmoil of the reign of Charles I. By the early 1640s he was a key leader among the Particular Baptists in London, and went on to play a central role in their establishment as a distinct community over the next six decades. He was personally acquainted with not only Oliver Cromwell, but also Charles II and James II. His major literary work was a defense of closed communion, in which he opposed the views of John Bunyan. Kiffen won this debate, and so determined the shape of Baptist polity in the following century.


1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 545-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lois G. Schwoerer

The Convention Parliament, the revolutionary tribunal of the English Revolution of 1689, prohibited the printing of news of its affairs and barred the public from its debates. Authors, printers and publishers, however, defied these orders and published unlicensed accounts of speeches, votes, committee reports, and the membership of the Convention. Although the laws and administrative procedures which the later Stuarts had used to restrict the press were still in effect, they were not enforced. During the weeks of political crisis, quantities of news-sheets, newspapers and tracts reporting parliamentary news and political opinion appeared. At a time of growing scholarly and popular interest in the Glorious Revolution, it may be useful to examine the relationship between parliament and press. Although studies of the early press and of parliamentary reporting have been made, no detailed examination of these matters during the months of political upheaval in the winter of 1688–9 has been undertaken. Two central questions suggest themselves. How did the politically conscious public learn about what was happening in Westminster where their elected representatives and the peers of the realm were meeting to resolve the crisis facing the nation? What was the attitude of those representatives and peers to having information about their affairs spread beyond their chambers? The answers to such questions may deepen understanding of the Convention and of one aspect of the part played by the press in the Revolution.


Archaeologia ◽  
1800 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 20-22
Author(s):  
Mark Noble

Herewith I send you a drawing, which exhibits a gold medal struck by king Charles I. upon the birth of the prince his son, afterwards king Charles II. Upon the obverse it gives the bull of king Charles I. representing that monarch crowned, with a ruff, and a military scarf over his armour. It is inscribed Carolvs D. G. Mag. Brit. Fra. Et Hib. Rex. The reverse shews the royal infant in a superb chair, with Mars and Mercury holding a wreath over him. The motto is Reddat Avos. In the Exergue the date of his birth Maii 29, 1630.


Author(s):  
K.S. Bacherikov

This article investigates the processes that took place among the English royalists after their defeat in the Civil War and the execution of King Charles I Stuart, as well as the emergence of their conspiracy movement for the restoration of the monarchy in England, namely, it examines the activities of such organizations of supporters of the monarchical form of government in England, as the “Western Association of Royalists”. In addition, the article studies the factors contributing to the failures of royalist organizations at the beginning of their activity against the regime of the Independent Republic, such as: passivity of supporters of King Charles II, their indecision, lack of a single control center, which entailed a low level of the participants’ actions coordination in the movement, lack of intelligence network, the refusal of France and the Netherlands to support the royalists, as well as the active opposition to their activities by the authorities of the Commonwealth of Eng-land. The role of the head of intelligence of the Independent Republic - Thomas Scott, who created the intelligence network, which carried out its activities against royalists not only in England, but also in royalist circles in exile in the kingdom of France, as well as in the Netherlands, stands out separately.


Art History ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xavier Barral i Altet ◽  
Vinni Lucherini

With the expression “southern Italy and Sicily under Angevin and Catalan–Aragonese rule,” we refer to the period when the Kingdom of Sicily (Regnum Siciliæ) came under control of the Angevin (1266–1442) and the Catalan–Aragonese kings (1442–1501). The Angevin royal house began to rule this kingdom with King Charles I of Anjou, who was chosen by popes Urban IV and Clement IV against the claims of Manfred, son of the emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen. Count of Anjou and Maine, count of Provence and Forcalquier, Charles I was consecrated in Rome at St. Peter’s basilica on January 6, 1266; his son, Charles II, was consecrated on May 29, 1289 in the cathedral of Rieti; and the Charles II’s successor, his third son, Robert, was consecrated in Avignon on August 3, 1309. The tragic events that occurred under the government of Queen Joanna I (1343–1382), granddaughter of Robert, brought to the throne of Naples another branch of the Angevin dynasty, called the Anjou–Durazzo, with Kings Charles III (1382–1386), his son Ladislaus I (1386–1414), and his daughter Joanna II (1419–1435). After the extinction of the Anjou royal house and a long period of wars, Alfonso V of Aragon, III of Valencia, II of Majorca, Sardinia and Corsica, I of Naples, and IV as count of Barcelona, formerly adopted by Joanna II as her son in 1421, became king of Naples in 1442 and reigned until his death in 1458. His son Ferrante I ruled from 1458 to 1494, his grandchild Alfonso II from 1494 to 1495, and his successors until 1501. For most part of the Angevin period, Sicily was separated from the peninsular territories and remained a distinct geopolitical entity. After the revolt against the Angevins in 1282 (the Sicilian Vespers) and following the Peace of Caltabellota in 1302, the Regnum Siciliæ citra Pharum, generally known as the Kingdom of Naples, was governed in fact by the Angevin kings, whereas the Regnum Siciliæ ultra Pharum, corresponding to the Sicilian island, was governed by the Catalan–Aragonese kings as an independent state until it passed under the dominion of the Crown of Aragon in 1409. Under Alfonso the Magnanimous the two kingdoms of Naples and of Sicily were finally reunited. In the last few decades, scholarship investigated the history of the kingdom of Sicily with a modern interdisciplinary approach, where art, literature, and culture were examined as expressions of society, power, and political practice. This kind of approach was favored by a new generation of southern Italian scholars and allowed, for example, to recognize in Catalan–Aragonese Naples the rise of a monarchical Humanism, which was different from the civic Humanism of Florence but not less complex and intellectually grounded.


Author(s):  
Margaret J. M. Ezell

News of the war from both sides’ perspectives was printed In the inexpensive pamphlets called mercuries or newsbooks, which also carried an account of the trial of Charles I. Prominent newsbook editors and authors such as Marchamont Nedham offered national news and political commentary mixed with entertaining verse, stories of wonders, and accounts of foreign dignitaries and customs.


Author(s):  
Siobhan Keenan

The Progresses, Processions, and Royal Entries of King Charles I, 1625–1642 is the first book-length study of the history, and the political and cultural significance, of the progresses, public processions, and royal entries of Charles I. As well as offering a much fuller account of the king’s progresses and progress entertainments than currently exists, this study throws new light on one of the most vexed topics in early Stuart historiography—the question of Charles I’s accessibility to his subjects and their concerns, and the part that this may, or may not, have played in the conflicts which culminated in the English civil wars and Charles’s overthrow. Drawing on extensive archival research, the book opens with an introduction to the early modern culture of royal progresses and public ceremonial as inherited and practised by Charles I. Part I explores the question of the king’s accessibility and engagement with his subjects further through case studies of Charles’s ‘great’ progresses in 1633, 1634, and 1636. Part II turns attention to royal public ceremonial culture in Caroline London, focusing on Charles’s royal entry on 25 November 1641. More widely travelled than his ancestors, Progresses reveals a monarch who was only too well aware of the value of public ceremonial and who did not eschew it, even if he was not always willing to engage in ceremonial dialogue with his people or able to deploy the power of public display to curry support for his policies as successfully as his Tudor and Stuart predecessors.


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