The Progresses, Processions, and Royal Entries of King Charles I, 1625-1642

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siobhan Keenan
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Significance ◽  
Archival Research ◽  
Public Display ◽  
Modern Culture ◽  
Charles I ◽  
King Charles I

The Progresses, Processions, and Royal Entries of King Charles I, 1625–1642 is the first book-length study of the history, and the political and cultural significance, of the progresses, public processions, and royal entries of Charles I. As well as offering a much fuller account of the king’s progresses and progress entertainments than currently exists, this study throws new light on one of the most vexed topics in early Stuart historiography—the question of Charles I’s accessibility to his subjects and their concerns, and the part that this may, or may not, have played in the conflicts which culminated in the English civil wars and Charles’s overthrow. Drawing on extensive archival research, the book opens with an introduction to the early modern culture of royal progresses and public ceremonial as inherited and practised by Charles I. Part I explores the question of the king’s accessibility and engagement with his subjects further through case studies of Charles’s ‘great’ progresses in 1633, 1634, and 1636. Part II turns attention to royal public ceremonial culture in Caroline London, focusing on Charles’s royal entry on 25 November 1641. More widely travelled than his ancestors, Progresses reveals a monarch who was only too well aware of the value of public ceremonial and who did not eschew it, even if he was not always willing to engage in ceremonial dialogue with his people or able to deploy the power of public display to curry support for his policies as successfully as his Tudor and Stuart predecessors.

Memories in Everyday Discourse

2021 ◽  
pp. 96-127
Author(s):  
Imogen Peck
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Public Memory ◽  
Cultural Significance ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
Dynamic Nature ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The Social ◽  
Identity Expression ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

This chapter illuminates one of the shadowiest corners of our understanding of early modern memory: the recollections of ordinary citizens. Drawing primarily on legal records, it reconstructs the multiplicity of ways in which men and women from across the social spectrum remembered the British Civil Wars and explores the wider social and cultural significance of these recollections. It argues that memories of the recent past acted, variously, as an articulation and affirmation of identity, expression of defiance, source of solidarity, locus of hope, and as a strategic and descriptive device. Moreover, the chapter demonstrates that while some people’s recollections of the recent past were influenced by attempts to shape public memory, people also had the capacity to subvert, co-opt, and reject these interpretations. It emphasizes the dynamic nature of early modern memory and the creativity and agency of those who deployed it.

The kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro

1981 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Moss
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Public Display ◽  
Funeral Rites ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
Aldo Moro

Deaths of sovereigns or political leaders are generally accompanied by dramatic representation and celebration of the political order over which they have presided. The circumstances of death, funeral rites and destination of the corpse (cremation, burial or public display) proclaim the value and necessity of the ideas embodied in the ruler's office. However practically deficient or scandalous any particular ruler's interpretation of that office, the activities which surround his death reaffirm the invulnerability of the transcendent order to any local or temporary individual failings. Sometimes, however, the circumstances of a sovereign's death can be appropriated by his opponents not merely to decree that death but to destroy the ideological underpinnings of the political system itself: the trials and executions of Charles i and Louis xvi were not simply the punishment of individuals for specific crimes but rather symbolic destructions of monarchy itself staged by Cromwell and the conventionnels (Walzer 1974). Such occasions have been rare. A radical political opposition can expect at most to intervene in the timing of the ruler's death, by assassination, but draw no benefit from this, since it is likely to be even more effective than peaceful death in stimulating public affirmation of the existing order.

Turkestan and the Rise of Eurasian Empires

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Anooshahr
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Way

It has long been known that the origins of the early modern dynasties of the Ottomans, Safavids, Mughals, Mongols, and Shibanids in the sixteenth century go back to “Turco-Mongol” or “Turcophone” war bands. However, too often has this connection been taken at face value, usually along the lines of ethnolinguistic continuity. The connection between a mythologized “Turkestani” or “Turco-Mongol” origin and these dynasties was not simply and objectively present as fact. Rather, much creative energy was unleashed by courtiers and leaders from Bosnia to Bihar (with Bukhara and Badakhshan along the way) in order to manipulate, invent, and in some cases disavow the ancestry of the founders of these dynasties. Essentially, one can even say that Turco-Mongol progenitors did not beget the Ottoman, Safavid, Mughal, Mongol, and Shibanid states. Quite the contrary, one can say that historians writing in these empires were the ancestors of the “Turco-Mongol” lineage of their founders. Using one or more specimens of Persian historiography, in a series of five case studies, each focusing on one of these nascent polities, the book intends to show how “Turkestan,” “Central Asia,” and “Turco-Mongol” functioned as literary tropes in the political discourse of the time.

The Environmental Policy of Charles I: Coal Smoke and the English Monarchy, 1624–40

2014 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
William M. Cavert
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Policy ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Environmental Concern ◽  
The Real ◽  
Modern Variety ◽  
Charles I ◽  
King Charles I ◽  
Early Modern London ◽  
Personal Rule

AbstractEarly modern London burned quantities of dirty coal that were unparalleled anywhere in Europe before industrialization, and the consequent smoky air was a matter of more serious and sustained concern than has been appreciated by either early modern or environmental historians. During the 1620s and 1630s, King Charles I and his government sought to remove smoky industries, above all large brewhouses, from the vicinity of the court in Westminster. This was part of a broader campaign for order and beauty that has been described by other scholars, but a focus on smoke highlights the very partial successes achieved by attempts to reform the real spaces of royal government. The improvement of Westminster's air during Charles's personal rule displays an early modern variety of environmental concern that was expressed through courtly display, hierarchy, distinction, and exclusion.

THE SEMANTICS OF ‘PEACE’ IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND

2013 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 127-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phil Withington
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Digital Technology ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Early Modern England ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Culture ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Early Modern Era ◽  
Modern Era

ABSTRACTThis paper begins to consider the meanings of a word that was ubiquitous in early modern culture, but which has been surprisingly neglected by historians. Focusing on printed sources and taking advantage of recent advances in digital technology, it outlines the changing uses of ‘peace’ between 1500 and 1700 and its predominant meanings at particular moments in time. The paper suggests that while these meanings were clearly derived from Christian and civic republican sources, the political conflicts of the seventeenth century saw the term politicised, appropriated and popularised in new and unexpected ways. It also argues that the semantic confusion which often attended ‘peace’ – most evident, perhaps, in its capacity to legitimise and sanction violence after 1640 – stemmed from its simultaneous role as a descriptor of society and self, and of spiritual and civil life. As a result, who should define, police and enforce peace became deeply contested issues of the course of the period. In tracing the semantics of the term in this way, the article serves as a contribution to the burgeoning historical literature on the paradigmatic vocabularies of the early modern era. It also illuminates the complicated relationship between words and concepts and the importance of both in motivating and legitimising social and political action.

The Casebook of Sir Edward Coke

Pólemos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-190
Author(s):  
Ian Ward
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Legal History ◽  
Common Law ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
Considerable Part ◽  
James I ◽  
Charles I ◽  
King Charles I ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Principle Of Legality

Abstract Sir Edward Coke, Jacobean Lord Chief Justice, is commonly regarded as being one of the great jurists in English legal history. In considerable part, for reason of his vigorous defence of the courts of common law against the seeming intrusions of royal prerogative, his running dispute with King James I is renowned, not least as a precursor to the civil wars which would later engulf James’s son, King Charles I. The purpose of this essay is revisit Coke and, more closely still, some of his most famous judgments, in order to trace the origins of the principle of ‘legality’. It will close in whimsical tones, by wondering what Coke might have thought of ‘legal’ regime put in place in the UK during the coronavirus pandemic.

Hooke’s Law

2020 ◽  
pp. 207-225
Author(s):  
Brian Cantor
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Royal Society ◽  
Three Dimensional ◽  
Robert Hooke ◽  
Robert Boyle ◽  
Hooke’S Law ◽  
Charles I ◽  
King Charles I ◽  
Hooke's Law ◽  
Set Up

When a material is stretched, the extension is proportional to the stretching force, with the elastic modulus defined as the constant of proportionality. This is called Hooke’s law and was discovered by Robert Hooke, just after the end of the English civil wars in the mid-17th century. This chapter examines the underlying atomic forces responsible for Hooke’s law, the use of tensors to describe three-dimensional stresses and strains in a material, and the relationships between the different elastic moduli under different loading conditions. Hooke was the son of a clergyman, born and brought up on the Isle of Wight, a royalist stronghold, where King Charles I fled after his imprisonment by Parliament, only to be recaptured and executed. Hooke was smuggled to London and then Oxford under the protection of Royalist academics, where he became a member of the group of intellectuals who, after the restoration of the monarchy, led the Enlightenment and set up the Royal Society. He took on many jobs: Lab Assistant to Robert Boyle, Curator at the Royal Society, Professor of Geometry at Gresham’s College, City Surveyor for the rebuilding of London after the Great Fire, and First Officer in Christopher Wren’s architectural firm. He was paranoid about his need for money and about people stealing his scientific ideas. He feuded with many of the great scientists of his age, claiming that he invented their ideas first, notably with Newton about his theories of gravity.

Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1603–40

1950 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
C. V. Wedgwood
Keyword(s):  
Long Range ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Charles I ◽  
King Charles I ◽  
History Of

Clarendon, in his History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England, states that the disturbances in Scotland which preceded- the Bishops' Wars came as a shock to the English councillors of King Charles I. It seems probable that they came as a shock to King Charles himself. The unexampled authority that his father James VI had succeeded in establishing for the Crown in Scotland—an authority Which he continued to exercise at long range when he became king of England—was something which Charles I had learnt to take for granted.

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