scholarly journals Lipstick and Logarithms: Gender, Institutional Context, and Representative Bureaucracy

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 553-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
LAEL R. KEISER ◽  
VICKY M. WILKINS ◽  
KENNETH J. MEIER ◽  
CATHERINE A. HOLLAND

According to the theory of representative bureaucracy, passive representation among public employees will lead to active representation in bureaucratic outputs. Existing research demonstrates that the link between passive and active representation exists for race but not for sex. Past research on this topic has not, however, taken into account the contextual environment that affects whether sex will translate into gender and lead to active representation in the bureaucracy. In this paper, we create a framework that specifies the conditions that affect whether passive representation results in active representation for sex and then test this framework using the case of education. We find that passive representation of women in education leads to active representation and that the institutional context affects the extent to which this link between passive and active representation occurs.

2016 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Johnston ◽  
John Houston

Representative bureaucracy theory postulates that passive representation leads to active representation of minority groups. This article investigates the passive representation of female police officers at leadership levels and the active representation of women vis-a-vis gender-based violence arrest rates in the UK. Much of the extant research on representative bureaucracy is located at street level, with evidence showing that discretionary power of minority bureaucrats can lead to active representation. This article is focused on leadership levels of a public bureaucracy. The empirical research is based upon a panel dataset of female police officers as an independent variable and gender-based violence arrest rates as a dependent variable. The analysis reveals that there is little evidence of active representation of women by female police leadership. Points for practitioners The research offers policy and public service practitioners with empirical evidence to suggest that representation of minorities is mediated by organizational effects in public bureaucracies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Frederick

Numerous studies have examined the roll call voting behavior of women in Congress. Much of this scholarship has focused on whether female legislators tend to be more liberal than their male colleagues. However, most of this research has examined whether gender differences exist within a specific legislative chamber. This paper seeks to build on this past research by exploring whether the relationship between the descriptive and substantive representation of women is contingent upon the institutional context in which female legislators serve. Using Common Space Scores which estimate the roll call voting behavior of U.S. Senators and U.S. House members on a scale that allows for comparisons across each chamber this study analyzes the voting records of Female Senators, Male Senators, Female House Members and Male House Members in the 109th-111th Congresses. The results show that in the contemporary Congress, gender exerts minimal influence on how legislators cast their votes with the exception of female Republican Senators who are noticeably more liberal than Republicans in both the House and Senate.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Elijah Agyapong

[ACCESS RESTRICTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI AT REQUEST OF AUTHOR.] Over the years, scholars have examined representative bureaucracy as a viable means to achieve bureaucratic responsiveness in a democratic society. The theory argues that a diverse public service that mirrors the social demographics of its population in terms of gender, race, and ethnicity (passive representation) is more likely to be responsive to the needs of all citizens (active representation). While a substantial amount of empirical research exists, a comparative understanding of the theory is lacking in Africa. This study expands empirical research on the theory to Ghana, one of the successful democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa, and focuses specifically on female representation in education. The study accomplishes two primary objectives. First, it investigates whether passive representation of female teachers and school administrators would make the education bureaucracy more responsive to girls' education in Ghana. Second, it seeks to understand the mechanisms by which passive representation translates into active representation for female students in the Ghanaian context. The analysis of an administrative dataset on senior high schools within the 216 districts of Ghana revealed that passive representation of female teachers was positively associated with the performance of girls on math and science exit exams. More female students passed the math and science exams in districts that employed more female teachers. The relationship was statistically significant after controlling for other theoretically relevant factors. In order to better understand how passive representation leads to substantive benefits for female students, a comprehensive model was examined which incorporated social backgrounds, attitudes/role acceptance, and active representation. The model hypothesized that a teacher can assume the role of an advocate or a representative of girls' interests. Those who adopt the advocacy role, regardless of their social identities, will be more likely to make decisions or take actions that improve educational outcomes for female students. A random sample of 200 teachers in eight senior high schools within the Accra Metropolis of Ghana was surveyed about their attitudes toward girls' education. In addition, school superintendents and officials in the Ghana Education Service were interviewed to provide qualitative insights. The findings indicated that gender and perceived expectation from various stakeholders influenced the extent to which teachers perceived their roles as advocates of girls. Organizational socialization and the acceptance of impartial bureaucratic roles did not overwhelm the influence of gender and perceived role expectations on the advocacy role. However, adoption of the advocacy role rather than gender predicted the potential for active representation, measured as a teacher's self-reported behavior in terms of actively taking actions to address the educational needs of girls. The findings from this sample lend considerable support for the relationship between role perceptions and the potential for active representation. It suggests that the advocacy role mediates the relationship between passive and active representation. This study therefore provides a better understanding of how a representative bureaucracy can engender responsiveness to women's education in Ghana and the Sub-Saharan African region.


2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine H. Roch ◽  
Jason Edwards

This article examines whether the racial context within local communities influences the assignment of disciplinary policies in public schools. First, we consider whether different policies may be assigned to similar target groups across varying racial contexts. Then, we consider whether the racial context moderates the transition from passive representation to active representation among bureaucrats. We draw from two theories of intergroup relations—group contact theory and group threat theory—to help explain the passive-to-active representation link. Using a sample of Georgia public schools, we find that schools rely more on more punitive disciplinary measures in school districts characterized by greater segregation and that this occurs especially among schools with sizable African American student populations. We also find that active representation appears to occur more often in segregated environments, perhaps because of the greater salience of race within these communities.


Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Meier ◽  
Erin K. Melton

The theory of representative bureaucracy considers how the sharing of demographic characteristics between public administrators and service populations translates into improved service delivery and links to broader themes of democracy and equality. While much scholarship has addressed the theory and tested it in a variety of public settings, further study is necessary given the contextualization of bureaucratic identity, political applications of the theory to lawmakers, strategic choice in the assumption of bureaucratic role, and practice of the theory in comparative settings. This chapter explores the wealth of past research on representative bureaucracy and presents a framework that introduces opportunities for additional investigation.


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