Internal Cross-Border Policing within the United Kingdom: the High Road or the Low Road to Effective Co-operation

1997 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-146
Author(s):  
Clive Walker
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Border Enforcement ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
Police Powers ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
High Road

ONE of the less vaunted aspects of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 is Part X, entitled “Cross-Border Enforcement”. On closer scrutiny, one quickly discovers that the borders in question are those internal to the distinct legal jurisdictions of the United Kingdom—in other words, the territories of England and Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland. As for “enforcement”, it is apparently the enforcement of the law via police powers and not the enforcement of court judgments which is the concern. As with other, more notorious parts of the Act, three main questions need to be answered in order to reach an understanding of these provisions: what prompted Part X to be passed; how does it seek to attain its objectives; and does it seek to attain its objectives in ways which are effective and appropriate?

The Population of Ireland

1960 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-68
Author(s):  
W. A. Honohan
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Irish Population ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Form Part ◽  
Striking Contrast

1. In the year 1800, when the Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland were fused by the Act of Union establishing the United Kingdom, the population of Ireland was of the order of 5 millions. By 1821 the figure had risen to 6·8 millions and in 1841 it was 8·2 millions. During the following decade the population fell by 1-6 millions to 6·6 millions. By the year 1861 it was only 5·8 millions and thereafter it continued to decline steadily, though not with such rapidity, until in 1911 a figure of 4·4 millions was reached. Owing to the disturbed state of the country in 1921, the next census was not taken until 1926, after the political change in 1922 when twenty-six of the thirty-two counties into which the country was divided were established as a separate political entity, the Irish Free State (later to become a Republic), while the remaining six were constituted as Northern Ireland and continued to form part of the United Kingdom. The population of the whole island in 1926 and again in 1951 was 4·3 millions, that is to say, it differed only slightly in 1951 from what it was forty years earlier in 1911—see Table 1. The population of Ireland has, therefore, remained virtually stationary at about 4¼ millions for almost half a century. The trend of Irish population since 1841 is in striking contrast with the trend in England and Wales for, whereas in 1841 the population of Ireland was more than one-half of that in England and Wales, today it is less than one-tenth; the Irish population has almost halved while that of England and Wales has almost trebled.

Modern slavery in the United Kingdom: an incoherent response

2018 ◽  
pp. 27-46
Author(s):  
Gary Craig
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Immigration Legislation ◽  
Modern Slavery ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
The Uk

This chapter reviews developments leading to the enactment of the 2015 Modern Slavery Act in England and Wales and parallel legislation in Northern Ireland and Scotland. It analyses the response of the UK government to growing pressure for legislation, and the failings of the actual legislation put in place, including a comparison with some key elements in its Scottish and Northern Irish counterparts. Despite claims to be world-leading, the Modern Slavery Act has already been found to be deficient in many key areas such as continuing protection for victims and linking slavery and immigration legislation, and is considered to be in need of substantial reform.

scholarly journals Now you see it, now you don’t: On the (in)visibility of police stop and search in Northern Ireland

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Topping ◽  
Ben Bradford
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Research Evidence ◽  
Police Service ◽  
Police Powers ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Stop And Search ◽  
Theoretical Insight ◽  
Insight Into

Police stop and search practices have been subject to voluminous debate for over forty years in the United Kingdom. Yet critical debate related to the use of ‘everyday’ stop and search powers by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) has, despite the hyper-accountable policing system of Northern Ireland, been marked by its absence. This paper presents the first ever analysis of PSNI’s use of PACE-type powers - currently used at a higher rate and with poorer outcomes compared to the rest of the U.K. While it can only be considered as an elusive power, about which detailed research evidence is markedly lacking, stop and search in Northern Ireland seems to serve as a classificatory tool for PSNI to control mainly young, socio-economically marginal male populations. The paper provides new theoretical insight into stop and search as a simultaneous overt and covert practice, and speaks to wider issues of mundane police power – and practice – within highly contested and politically fractured contexts.Keywords: stop and search; Police Service of Northern Ireland; police powers; social control

Suicide in the United Kingdom and Ireland

1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 300-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
D Lester ◽  
CH Cantor ◽  
AA Leenaars
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Suicide Rate ◽  
The Other ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
Young Males ◽  
Suicide Rates ◽  
Male Suicide ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Epidemiological Trends

SummaryThe purpose of this study was to compare epidemiological trends in suicide for the three regions of the United Kingdom (England and Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland) and for Ireland from 1960 to 1990. The data on suicide rates were obtained from the World Health Organization statistical base, supplemented by data from the statistical offices of the four regions. While the suicide rates in Ireland, Northern Ireland and Scotland increased during the period under study, English/Welsh suicide rates first declined and then held steady. In Ireland, both male and female suicide rates increased, whereas in the other regions only male suicide rates rose. According to age, in England and Wales, suicide rates rose for male teenagers and young males, while for the other regions male suicide rates increased in general for all age groups. Social indicators (unemployment, marriage and birth rates) were quite successful in predicting male suicide rates in all four regions and in predicting female suicide rates in England and Wales and in Ireland. The results emphasize the importance of studying several regions in epidemiological studies in order to identify which trends are general and which are unique to one nation. In the present study, the epidemiological trends for suicide in England and Wales were quite different from those in the other three regions. In particular, the steady overall suicide rate in England and Wales and the rising suicide rate for young males alone differ from the trends observed in the other regions and raise importante questions about the causes of the social suicide rate in these four regions.

Britain and Ireland

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Avis
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
National Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
Republic Of Ireland ◽  
Ecumenical Movement ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Republic

This chapter begins by noting the contribution of British ecumenists to the ecumenical movement and then proceeds to survey the ecumenical scene in Britain and Ireland against the political and constitutional background of the United Kingdom—comprising England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland—and the separate jurisdiction of the Republic of Ireland. It notes the favourable ecumenical climate in England and Wales and goes on to outline local ecumenical relationships, including Local Ecumenical Partnerships, the ecumenical instruments for each nation and for all four, and various forms of cooperation at the national level. The chapter then turns to examples of theological dialogue, proposals for closer unity, and the problems of their reception and implementation, with a particular focus on the Anglican-Methodist Covenant.

scholarly journals Do events since 23 June 2016 strengthen or weaken the case for the United Kingdom adopting a written, codified Constitution?

2020 ◽  
pp. 27-32
Author(s):  
Naseem Khan
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk

This article discusses the UK Government’s proposals to adopt a codified Constitution in England and Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland after the Brexit Referendum of 2016. It discusses the reasons behind the lack of support for a codified Constitution, weighing up arguments for and against. The article concludes that although a codified Constitution may provide greater certainty, without recognition of the theoretical doctrines and concepts that form the current constitutional framework, a codified Constitution would be administratively unworkable.

scholarly journals The role of capacity in mental health laws - recent reviews and legislation

2014 ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Kris Gledhill
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Central Feature ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
Forensic Patients ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Legislative Amendments ◽  
Health Laws

The context in which the Szmukler et al proposal is put forward is the several reviews in the different jurisdictions in the United Kingdom and in Ireland, which have led to capacity becoming a central feature in relation to civil detention in Scotland and in Ireland, and which may well lead to it becoming a central feature in Northern Ireland, though efforts to achieve the same in England and Wales were rejected. For forensic patients, however, capacity is not prominent, and the proposal made goes further than recent legislative amendments and debates have contemplated. These are set out in the order in which they occurred: the Richardson Committee review of the English statute, then the amendments in Scotland, followed by those in Ireland (which pre-dated those in Scotland but came into effect later); next was the action that was eventually taken in relation to the English statute, and finally there are the proposals as to what to do in Northern Ireland. The latter is the only one that comes close to the proposals of Szmukler and others, which they acknowledge in their paper.

TBE in United Kingdom

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Clinical Disease ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
Probable Case ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
South West ◽  
Louping Ill ◽  
The Uk ◽  
North And South ◽  
South West England

Until 2019, TBE was considered only to be an imported disease to the United Kingdom. In that year, evidence became available that the TBEV is likely circulating in the country1,2 and a first “probable case” of TBE originating in the UK was reported.3 In addition to TBEV, louping ill virus (LIV), a member of the TBEV-serocomplex, is also endemic in parts of the UK. Reports of clinical disease caused by LIV in livestock are mainly from Scotland, parts of North and South West England and Wales.4

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