The Transnational Beginnings of West German Zeitgeschichte in the 1950s

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Astrid M. Eckert

The study of Zeitgeschichte, or contemporary history, was not an invention of the postwar era. But it was in the wake of the Second World War that it carved out a space in the historical professions of the United States, Great Britain and, most pronouncedly, West Germany. In each country, it came with similar definitions: in West Germany as “the era of those living, and its scholarly treatment by academics”; in the United States as “the period of the last generation or two”; and in Britain as “Europe in the twentieth century” or “the histories of yesterday which are being written today.” Such definitions contained a generational component and left contemporary history open to continuous rejuvenation. Yet during the postwar decades, the above definitions steered interest clearly toward the history of National Socialism, the Second World War, and foreign policy of the 1920s and 1930s. The horrific cost in human lives of Nazi racial and anti-Semitic policies gave an instant relevance to all aspects of Germany's past. The German grip on much of Europe had made National Socialism an integral component in the history of formerly occupied countries, and the Allied struggle to defeat Nazism added yet more countries to the list of those that had seen their histories become entangled with that of Germany. Hence, the academic writing of German contemporary history was never an exclusively German affair. Scholars outside Germany, especially in Great Britain and the United States, were part of the endeavor from the outset. Their involvement was facilitated by the fact that the Western Allies had captured an enormous quantity of German records and archives at the end of the war, part of which would become available to historians over the course of the 1950s and 1960s.

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 126-138
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Mańczak-Wohlfeld

Although contrastive studies do not enjoy great prestige among linguists, they have a very long tradition dating back to ca. 1000 A.D. when Ælfric wrote his Grammatica, a grammar of Latin and English. Even then he must have been aware of the fact that the knowledge of one language may be helpful in the process of learning another language (Krzeszowski 1990). Similarly, it seems that throughout the history of mankind teachers of a foreign language must have realized that a native and foreign tongue can be contrasted. However, contrastive linguistics only came into being as a science at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The first works were almost purely theoretical, and it is worth emphasizing that among the first scholars working in the field was Baudouin de Courtenay, a Polish linguist, who published his contrastive grammar of Polish, Russian and Old Church Slavonic in 1912. The outbreak of the Second World War was a milestone in the development of applied contrastive studies since a need to teach foreign languages in the United States arose as a result. The 1960’s is considered a further step in the development of contrastive grammar since a number of projects were initiated both in Europe and in the U.S.A. (Willim, Mańczak-Wohlfeld 1997), which resulted in the introduction of courses in English-Polish contrastive grammar at Polish universities. The aim of the present paper is to characterize and evaluate the courses offered in the English departments of selected Polish universities and to suggest an “ideal” syllabus.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Cohn ◽  
Matthew Evenden ◽  
Marc Landry

AbstractComparing three of the major hydroelectric power-producing countries during the war – Canada, the United States, and Germany – this article considers the implications of expanding hydroelectricity for war production and strategy, and how wartime decisions structured the longer-term evolution of large technological systems. Despite different starting points, all three countries pursued similar strategies in attempting to mobilize hydroelectricity for the war effort. The different access to and use of hydro in these states produced a vital economic and ultimately military advantage or disadvantage. The global dimensions of hydroelectric development during the war, moreover, demonstrate that this conflict was a turning point in the history of electrification.


1980 ◽  
Vol 20 (217) ◽  
pp. 207-207

Twenty-five years ago the International Committee of the Red Cross took over the management of the International Tracing Service, founded at the end of the Second World War by the Federal Republic of Germany, France, Great Britain and the United States. A short ceremony, attended by some 250 staff members of the ITS, marked this anniversary, at the beginning of June, at Arolsen.


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-10
Author(s):  
Edward A. Alpers

Is there an African Studies establishment in the United States? Of course there is. The academic study of Africa has mushroomed since the end of the Second World War as federal dollars were invested in graduate training programs so that the United States would be able to cope with the challenges posed by the coming to independence of former colonial territories in Africa from 1956 onward. Most of this money went to major research universities. Accordingly, the training in African Studies that evolved at these centers was rooted in the historical development of western academic disciplines, the history of race and power in America, and hegemonic control over the discourse on Africa in America.


Author(s):  
Joshua Mauldin

Karl Barth’s political theology was concretized by his involvement in the German Church struggle early in the 1930s as well as his political engagement in Switzerland after 1935. During the Second World War, and from the relative safety of Basel, Barth addressed public letters to several countries, thereby developing a rich political theology applied to the distinctive cultural and historical contexts of his readers. This chapter focuses on Barth’s wartime letters to France, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, and the United States, exploring how in these public documents Barth interprets the meaning of National Socialism in light of modern political aspirations. In so doing, Barth provides an enduring defense of modern democratic politics.


Author(s):  
Haia Shpayer-Makov

This exploratory essay outlines various pivotal trends in the professionalization of police detection in England, France, and the United States from the mid-eighteenth century to the Second World War. Key landmarks in the evolution of the role of the detective from criminal turned paid informant, or from nonspecialist law enforcer, to a professional member of a detective unit are traced. The essay draws upon the history of forensic science to highlight the interface between detection and forensic science and to point toward forensic science methodologies that made significant inroads in the world of police detection, thereby enhancing its professionalization.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-108
Author(s):  
Bernhard Dietz

The Neo-Tories and Europe: A Transnational History of British Radical Conservatism in the 1930s This article analyses the British Neo-Tories of the 1930s as part of a pan-European counter-movement against political modernity. This network of right-wing intellectuals and allied Conservative politicians saw democracy, liberalism and capitalism in a state of degeneration and aimed at the establishment of a corporate state in Great Britain through a «revolution from above». The article concentrates on the importance on the transnational implications of this discourse and in particular of the exchange with their German intellectual counterparts. It emphasises how this exchange of ideas was affected by National Socialism on the British side and explores what the possibilities and limits of right-wing exchange between Germany and England were after Hitler's rise to power. The article argues that for the Neo-Tories, the European exchange of ideas was a source of inspiration, reassurance and hope; however, it also eventually meant their downfall, as the beginning of the Second World War marked the end of British participation in transnational radical conservatism.


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