On the Mortality of Assured Lives in the West Indies (chiefly Barbados)

1888 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-195
Author(s):  
George F. Hardy ◽  
Howard J. Rothery

The Institute of Actuaries has always been ready to welcome contributions from members able to give information regarding the mortality found to prevail among special classes of lives, and among lives resident in other parts of the world than Great Britain. The authors of the present paper having had occasion to look closely into the subject of West Indian mortality, chiefly in connection with the financial affairs of the Barbados Mutual Life Assurance Society, have therefore willingly responded to an invitation to lay before the members of the Institute some account of the statistics which they have been able to gather, and of the conclusions at which they have arrived. They desire, in the first place, to express their thanks to the directors of the Barbados Mutual Society for permitting them to publish the results of the society's mortality experience, and to Mr. Spencer C. Thomson, the manager of the Standard Life Office, for some valuable statistics relating to the experience of that office regarding West Indian mortality.

Author(s):  
Olwyn M. Blouet

Bryan Edwards was a Jamaican planter and politician who published a well–respected History of the West Indies in 1793. He articulated the planter view concerning the value of the West Indian colonies to Great Britain, and opposed the abolition of the slave trade. Edwards disputed European scientific speculation that the ‘New World’ environment retarded nature, although his scientific interests have largely gone unnoticed. Elected a Fellow of The Royal Society in 1794, he became a Member of Parliament in 1796, and wrote a History of Haiti in the following year. As Secretary of the African Association, Edwards edited the African travel journals of Mungo Park.


1977 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian L. Moore

Indian immigration into the West Indies generally during the nineteenthcentury, and in particular to British Guiana, forms a small portion of migrationmovements from one area to another in the world during thatperiod. But in terms of West Indian societies, this immigration representeda major influx and so had significant social effects, especially inBritish Guiana and in Trinidad. By 1917 when the system was terminated some 429,286 Indians had been introduced into the West Indies since 1838, of which 238,909 went to British Guiana, and 143,939 to Trinidad.


1929 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Holland Rose

The decline in prosperity of the British West Indies after 1815 was so rapid as to obscure their importance during the Napoleonic War; but of their commercial pre-eminence among British colonies at that time there are many proofs. Thus, on 12 September 1804, while watching Toulon, Nelson, who knew them well, wrote in a lately published letter, “…I think the French will some day send their fleets to sea, and that the West Indies … is (sic) more likely for them to hurt us in than this country. We have but few troops to defend our islands and recent conquests; 10 or 12,000 French troops would injure us more there than in any other part of the world.” Herein he agreed with Dundas, who in August 1796 stated to Earl Spencer, First Lord of the Admiralty, that far more harm would result to our commerce and credit from a French invasion of Jamaica than of Great Britain or Ireland. As is well known, Nelson in April 1805 acted on his conviction recorded above, and, despite the perilously scanty news as to the course of the Franco-Spanish fleet, he chased it to the West Indies because of his conviction of the immense importance of those colonies. Lord Barham, now First Lord, approved his action; for he himself had come to the conclusion from the French moves against those colonies, “that depredation and the destruction of our trade is their grand object,” and that the invasion of England was now a secondary object. This view was for the present somewhat exaggerated; for Napoleon, who overworked his admirals even more than his generals, expected Villeneuve and Gravina first to devastate our Leeward Islands (with Tobago thrown in) and then to fly back, along with Ganteaume's fleet, to cover the invasion of England.


1878 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 153-169
Author(s):  
John Stott

Not much seems to have been written on the subject of the Mortality of the West Indies as compared with that of the mother country. The following contribution, being the experience of the Scottish Amicable Life Assurance Society in these colonies during the last thirty years, may therefore, perhaps, be useful as well as interesting. The Directors of the Society have cordially adopted the suggestion that the figures should now be made public.


1947 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 368-368

The Caribbean Commission, formally established on October 20, 1946, by the United States, Great Britain, the Netherlands and France, held a third meeting of its four national sections consisting of representatives of the above mentioned countries at Curacao, Netherlands West Indies, in December, 1946. Particular items on the agenda included 1) discussion of the activities of the Commission's Secretariat, 2) rules of procedure for the Commission and the West Indian Conference, and 3) appointment of the budget. Attention was directed to the implementation of the recommendations of the second session of the West Indian Conference, which was held in St. Thomas, Virgin Islands of the United States, in February, 1946. Such recommendations reflected the effort of the member powers to coordinate their activities with a view to improving the economic and social well-being of Caribbean inhabitants.


1899 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 517-561 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Wyndham Tarn

Although a great deal of what might be fairly comprised under the heading to this paper came under discussion last year at the International Congress of Actuaries, I yet venture to submit that, upon so important and comprehensive a subject as the one I have chosen, there is a considerable amount of information, statistical and actuarial, which at that great gathering was not even touched upon. In the first place, the contributions to the Congress, valuable though they were, dealt only with the experience of individual Colonies or groups of Colonies, and the observations of the contributors were limited to particular branches of their subject. Secondly, some of the principal British Possessions, such as India, Canada, and the West Indies, appear to have been entirely unrepresented as regards life assurance among the subjects discussed. It is, therefore, with the object, partly of filling up a few of the gaps left vacant at the Congress, but chiefly of surveying the subject as affecting not merely individual Colonies or Dependencies, but the whole of the British Empire outside our own country, that I have collected and set down these notes.


1936 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-491 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ch. Ferrière

The coffee leaf-miners of the genus Leucoptera, Hübner, are serious pests of coffee wherever it is cultivated and they have often caused great anxiety to planters in many parts of the world. Leucoptera coffeella, Guér., is known from the West Indies, Central and South America, Central Africa, Madagascar, Réunion and Ceylon. Another species, L. daricella, Meyr., seems to be responsible for still more damage in Africa.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Sun-Joo Lee

InImperialism at Home, Susan Meyer explores Charlotte Brontë's metaphorical use of race and empire in Jane Eyre. In particular, she is struck by Brontë's repeated allusions to bondage and slavery and wonders, “Why would Brontë write a novel permeated with the imagery of slavery, and suggesting the possibility of a slave uprising, in 1846, after the emancipation of the British slaves had already taken place?” (71). Meyer speculates, “Perhaps the eight years since emancipation provided enough historical distance for Brontë to make a serious and public, although implicit, critique of British slavery and British imperialism in the West Indies” (71). Perhaps. More likely, I would argue, is the possibility that Brontë was thinking not of West Indian slavery, but of American slavery.


1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 166-166

The third session of the West Indian Conference opened at Guadeloupe, French West Indies on December 1, 1948 and closed on December 14, after considering policy to be followed by the Caribbean Commission for the next two years. The Conference was attended by two delegates from each of the fifteen territories within the jurisdiction of the commission and observers invited by the commission from Haiti, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and the United Nations and its specialized agencies.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Laurel Carmichael

<p>In the early 1790s more than 300,000 Britons boycotted West Indian sugar in one of the most impressive displays of public mobilisation against the slave trade. Many of those who abstained were inspired by William Fox’s 1791 pamphlet An Address to the People of Great Britain on the Utility of Refraining from the Use of West India Sugar and Rum. The abstention movement gained momentum amidst the failures of the petition campaign to achieve a legislative end to the slave-trade, and placed the responsibility of ending slavery with all British consumers. This thesis draws from cross-disciplinary scholarship to argue that the campaign against slave sugar appealed to an idealised image of the humanitarian consumer and maligned slave. Writers such as Fox based their appeal on a sense of religious duty, class-consciousness and gendered values. Both the domestic sphere and the consumer body were transformed into sites of political activism, as abolitionists attempted to establish a direct link between the ingestion of sugar and the violence of colonial slavery. Attempts to encourage consumers’ sympathetic identification with the plight of distant slaves occurred alongside attempts to invoke horror and repulsion at slave suffering. The image of the West Indian slave presented to consumers was one shaped by fetishized European imaginings. The decision to abstain from slave sugar, therefore, was not only motivated by genuine philanthropic concerns, but the desire to protect the civilised and refined modern consumer, from the contaminating products of colonial barbarity.</p>


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