Self-Defense in Islamic and International Law: Assessing Al-Qaeda and the Invasion of Iraq by Niaz A Shah [Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2008, 192 pp, ISBN-13: 978-0-230-60618-0, ISBN-10: 0-230-60618-0, $74.95 (h/bk)]

2008 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 1006-1009
Author(s):  
Robert P Barnidge
Author(s):  
Jessica Singh

Foreign policies in the global political arena continue to demonstrate the consequential after-effects of the terrorist attacks in New York on September 11, 2001. Propagations of a “terrorist threat” are strategically used by Western political actors to achieve a multiplicity of ends. In some cases, these ends supersede accepted international precedents, both in the realms of international law and convention. In particular, United States President George W. Bush’s War on Terror, and President Barak Obama’s continuing drone operations in the Middle East exemplify instances of political transcendence. Through the strategic enactment of ambiguous laws and through intimate utilizations of notions of “state sovereignty” and “national self-defense,” the American Government has gained unprecedented authority in the treatment of suspected terrorists. This article examines the legal, theoretical, and ethical elements of the War on Terror and the American drone operation in the Middle East to illustrate the exceptionalness of Al-Qaeda and Taliban combatants in American legal understanding.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Mohamad Esmael Zadeh ◽  
Mahdi Najjar Sadeghi ◽  
Amir Mohammad Babaee

<p>Terrorism and terroristic system are among domestic, regional and international challenging problem in the first decade of the 21st century in the era when terrorism has turned from an individual threat to a global problem as a weapon to achieve national goals, specific groups have become no longer limited to national and regional borders and are gaining new concept and application (or they are trying to develop a new international purpose). It is feared that the spread of international peace and security in its all areas exposed to risk. In fact, the international communities felt the crisis and the danger and criminalizing this phenomenon after the attack on the twin towers of the world trade center on September 11, 2001 with unknown purposes in New York City [29] determining the failure of the international anti-terrorism strategies of these events, showed that anti-terrorism system is unsuccessful. So shortly after the attacks, the UN Security Council , recognizing the possibility of resorting to self-defense against international terrorism, subjects of international law again to pass the international anti-terrorism calls for conventions domestic laws to crack down terrorists.</p>


Author(s):  
Yishai Beer

This book seeks to revitalize the humanitarian mission of the international law governing armed conflict, which is being frustrated due to states’ actual practice. In order to achieve its two aims—creating an environment in which full abidance by the law becomes an attainable norm, thus facilitating the second and more important aim of reducing human suffering—it calls for the acknowledgment of realpolitik considerations that dictate states’ and militaries’ behavior. This requires recognition of the core interests of law-abiding states, fighting in their own self-defense—those that, from their militaries’ professional perspective, are essential in order to exercise their defense. Internalizing the importance of existential security interests, when drawing the contours of the law, should not automatically come at the expense of the core values of the humanitarian agenda—for example, the distinction rule. Rather, it allows more room for the humanitarian arena. The suggested tool to allow for such an improved dialogue is the standards and principles of military professionalism. Militaries function in a professional manner; they respect their respective doctrines, operational principles, fighting techniques, and values. Their performances are not random or incidental. The suggested paradigm surfaces and leverages the constraining elements hidden in military professionalism. It suggests a new paradigm in balancing the principles of military necessity and humanity, it deals with the legality of a preemptive strike and the leveraging of military strategy as a constraining tool, and it offers a normative framework for introducing deterrence within the current contours of the law.


Author(s):  
Miriam Bak McKenna

Abstract Situating itself in current debates over the international legal archive, this article delves into the material and conceptual implications of architecture for international law. To do so I trace the architectural developments of international law’s organizational and administrative spaces during the early to mid twentieth century. These architectural endeavours unfolded in three main stages: the years 1922–1926, during which the International Labour Organization (ILO) building, the first building exclusively designed for an international organization was constructed; the years 1927–1937 which saw the great polemic between modernist and classical architects over the building of the Palace of Nations; and the years 1947–1952, with the triumph of modernism, represented by the UN Headquarters in New York. These events provide an illuminating allegorical insight into the physical manifestation, modes of self-expression, and transformation of international law during this era, particularly the relationship between international law and the function and role of international organizations.


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