THE OTTOMAN LEGACY IN COLD WAR MODERNIZATION

This article examines Americans' uses of the Ottoman-Turkish past to justify different approaches to “Third World” development. Such invocations exposed tensions within American liberalism and projected them onto Middle Eastern history. One interpretation criticized Tanzimat land reform to emphasize agrarian democracy as the impetus for the development process. Another, reflecting postwar liberals' predilection for elite authority, relegated democracy to the end of that process by embracing Kemalism as its model. The article concludes by arguing that Ottoman historians influenced the modernization paradigm as much as it did them. H. A. R. Gibb and Harold Bowen transmitted Ottoman reform discourses to social scientists through Islamic Society and the West, which the authors based on reform-era writings at a time when archival research was just beginning to transform Ottoman studies. Cold War intellectuals and bureaucrats appropriated their Ottoman predecessors' temporal and spatial perspectives in the effort to manage Third World change

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"In the Spirit of Partnership" West Germany, the Cold War, and Third World Development Aid Policy

10.31979/etd.fq4w-3a35 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Katie Henderson

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

Third World ◽

Development Aid ◽

West Germany ◽

Third World Development ◽

The Cold War ◽

Aid Policy ◽

World Development

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Iran's Karaj Dam Affair: Emerging Mass Consumerism, the Politics of Promise, and the Cold War in the Third World

Comparative Studies in Society and History ◽

10.1017/s0010417512000254 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 54 (3) ◽

pp. 612-643 ◽

Cited By ~ 10

Author(s):

Cyrus Schayegh

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

Social History ◽

Third World ◽

Middle Classes ◽

Third World Development ◽

Post War ◽

The Third World ◽

The Cold War ◽

World Development ◽

The U.S

AbstractThis paper examines two intertwined processes that shaped post-war Tehran. One was a ravenous demand for electricity, part of a surge in popular expectations for consumer goods and higher standards of living. The other was the construction of the Karaj Dam to meet that demand. Consumerist expectations, especially among Tehran's bourgeoning middle classes, developed together with a West-centered but ultimately global maturation of mass consumer culture, with the cultural Cold War, and with the shaky post-1953 regime's politics of promising higher living standards. The Karaj Dam became possible when that regime frightened its patron—the U.S. administration that dreaded Soviet influence—into helping pay for the project despite reservations in the U.S. Congress and among technical specialists. The dam was not simply a top-down state (or U.S.) project—it was also caused by and in that sense belonged to Tehranis. I draw on archival and published primary sources, images, and secondary literature to tell a story of society-state and domestic-global interactions that characterized many Third World countries. This paper builds on past studies of relationships between the Cold War and Third World development, and of the transnational history of development/modernization. But it transcends their focus on elites, and that of other scholars’ on subaltern victims, and argues that analyses of Third World development and the Cold War must include the middle classes and, conceptually, social history.

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The Cold War, Decolonization and Third World Development

Change and Development in the Twentieth Century ◽

10.5040/9781474214568.ch-005 ◽

2014 ◽

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

Third World ◽

Third World Development ◽

The Cold War ◽

World Development

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The Struggle For Legitimacy- North Korea’s Relations With Africa, 1965–1992

European Journal of Korean Studies ◽

10.33526/ejks.20151501.97 ◽

2015 ◽

pp. 97-116

Author(s):

Benjamin Young

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

North Korea ◽

Third World ◽

Diplomatic History ◽

African Students ◽

Department Of State ◽

The North ◽

Third World Development ◽

The Cold War ◽

World Development

From the mid-1960s to the late 1980s, Seoul and Pyongyang sought to gain international recognition as the sole government on the Korean peninsula. Africa, the site of many newly independent nations during the Cold War, became the primary battleground for this inter- Korean competition. Focusing on North Korean-African relations, this article examines several African dictators who admired North Korea’s alternative brand of socialist modernity, Pyongyang’s exportation of its Juche (roughly defined as self-reliance) ideology to Africa, and African students who studied in North Korea as part of official diplomatic exchanges. Using archival sources from North Korea’s former communist allies, North Korean newspapers, declassified documents from the U.S. Department of State, and interviews with African students who studied in North Korea in the 1980s, I explore an under-researched dimension of North Korea’s diplomatic history and the North Korean leadership’s efforts in Africa to depict the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) as a model of Third World development.

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