Civil servant attitudes toward the U.N. in Guatemala, Norway, and the United States

1981 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 395-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E. Riggs

This research note reports the findings of a mail survey of higher level Guatemalan civil servants, soliciting their views on the United Nations. The survey was administered in the summer of 1979 for comparison with similar surveys of Norwegian and United States officials undertaken five years earlier, to determine whether experience with international organizations produces attitudes more favorable to international cooperation.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-281
Author(s):  
Stefano Recchia

Abstract Research suggests that military interveners often seek endorsements from regional international organizations (IOs), in addition to approval from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), to reassure international and domestic audiences. Toward that end, interveners should seek the endorsement of continent-wide regional IOs with the broadest and most diverse membership, which are most likely to be independent. In practice, however, interveners often seek endorsements from subregional IOs with narrow membership and aggregate preferences similar to their own. This should weaken the reassurance/legitimation effect significantly. I argue that such narrower regional endorsements are sought not so much to reassure skeptical audiences, as to pressure reluctant UNSC members to approve the intervention by putting those members’ relations with regional partners at stake. To illustrate this argument and probe its plausibility, I reconstruct France's successful efforts to obtain UNSC approval for its interventions in Côte d'Ivoire (2002–2003) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (2003) at a time when the United States was hesitant to support France because of the two countries’ falling-out over the Iraq War. For evidence I rely on original interviews with senior French and US officials.


1986 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 973-983 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard W. Nelson

On March 12, 1986, Ambassador Vernon A. Walters, the United States representative at the United Nations, said: [T]he prospect is for the withholding by the United States of a very sizable amount. … This inevitably would raise the question of whether the non-payment of a substantial amount could constitute a material breach of the United States obligation under Article 17 of the U.N. Charter to pay our duly assessed share of the U.N. budget. This is an issue of which we must be aware.


1955 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxwell Cohen

The personnel difficulties of the United Nations Secretariat, so much dramatized since 1952, have served to focus exceptional attention on the Secretary General and his employment policies, as well as on the constitutional position of the Secretariat, its staff and their relations to the General Assembly and to the Administrative Tribunal. Indeed a substantial literature examining these issues —issues arising, in part, out of the United States’ allegations of “subversive” personnel in the Secretariat—now must be added to the already imposing structure of scholarship dealing with international organizations and officials since their beginnings in the League system and into the United Nations period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 348-355
Author(s):  
Alina Alexandru

Abstract New technologies have marked the beginning of the Forth Industrial Revolution era. While the advantages of new technologies for our day-to-day life are undeniable, we cannot fail to notice that emerging and disruptive technologies also imply challenges and risks for individuals, societies and countries. Moreover, in the absence of regulations and norms internationally accepted and assumed, risks associated to the misuse of new technologies tend to increase, transforming the domain into a competition arena. States and international organizations perceive the pressure to address emerging technologies. The United Nations, the United States and the European Union have defined their own strategies and policies on the new technologies with the aim at capitalizing the benefits and minimizing the risks. While different in their view, UN’s, US’ and EU’ strategies and policies offer landmarks to consider in addressing new technologies.


1980 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-35
Author(s):  
Ivan Sipkov

The normalization of relations and their broadening in various fields between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China was a major historical, political and diplomatic event. It went through several stages and involved types of international acts and documents. Without a doubt, these developments had a definite impact on the internal legislative, administrative and judicial programs and policy of the countries involved. They also affected the community of nations and the relations therein. As a result, they may be grouped into three categories based on their purpose and the countries or international organizations referred to: 1) Relations within the United Nations; 2) U.S.-China relations; and 3) U.S.-Taiwan relations.


Worldview ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 46-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Hollander

AbstractAmericans and others find that they cannot “love it or leave it“In the course of the last quarter century or so the United States has become a nearly universal scapegoat symbol. The United States has been denounced and blamed in countless speeches and editorials, on posters, in.radio broadcasts, and over television, as well as in private conversations, for the ills of the world, for the problems of particular societies, and even for the myriad unhappiness of individuals. No country has had more hostile demonstrations in front of its embassies around the world, or more of its libraries and cultural missions abroad ransacked, or more of its policies routinely denounced in the United Nations and other international organizations. More American flags have been burned, in and outside the United States, than the flags of any other country.


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