American Foreign Policy: Past and Present - *1. Herbert Feis: Between War and Peace: The Potsdam Conference. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960. Pp. viii, 367. $6.50.) - 2. Wunsz King: Woodrow Wilson, Wellington Koo and the China Question at the Paris Peace Conference. (Leyden: A. W. Sythoff, 1959, Pp. 32.) - 3. Lincoln P. Bloomfield: The United Nations and U.S. Foreign Policy: A New Look at the National Interest. (Boston: Atlantic-Little, Brown, 1960. Pp.xii, 276. $4.75.) - 4. Walter F. Hahn and John C. Neff, eds.: American Strategy for the Nuclear Age. (Garden City: Doubleday Anchor paperback, 1960. Pp. xxiv, 455. $1.45.)

1962 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-145
Author(s):  
Robert H. Ferrell
Worldview ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 14-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Inman

Several recent books have been looked upon at the United Nations with varying degrees of interest and enthusiasm. Since the U.N. is in the U.S., and since its life is dependent upon the U.S. Government, it is natural that any utterances by prominent U.S. officials about the role of the U.N. in American foreign policy are read with fascination, trepidation and at times bewilderment. And indeed George W. Ball's The Discipline of Power was read at the U.N. with morbid fascination, bewilderment and despair. Unlike all previous heads of a U.S. delegation to the U.N., Ambassador Ball was the first who had not been a public figure, and he had no U.S. constituency.


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 573-584 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward H. Buehrig

The United Nations cannot be expected to abolish the balancing process, which is the natural expression of the struggle for advantage and influence in international politics. It does, however, endeavor to modify the process. What are the methods which it employs? What actual effect have they had in promoting security? Above all, what relevance do they have for the conduct of American foreign policy?


1948 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-141
Author(s):  
Bryce Wood

These four publications appeared in the latter half of 1947 but all of them were written near the middle of the year. Three of them deal directly with the policy which the United States should adopt toward the Soviet Union. The concern of Mr. Armstrong at first seems to be limited to “the two main objectives of American foreign policy”: “to help Europe live and to strengthen the United Nations.” Subsequently, however, although Mr. Armstrong is nowhere explicit on this point, it appears that these are techniques, rather than objectives, for the first would avert the “planned social and economic disintegration” furthered by the Soviet Union, while the second would diminish the effectiveness of Moscow's policy of “indirect aggression.” It is, therefore, not unreasonable to include Mr. Armstrong among those offering answers to the question: Where do we go from here in seeking equilibrium and even an accord with the Kremlin?


1953 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Channing B. Richardson

It has now become quite axiomatic to say that United States participation in the United Nations system is having an effect upon the substance I of United States foreign policy. What is not so well known as yet is that this participation is the cause for the creation of a new piece of machinery I for aiding the conduct of our foreign policy. Established in 1946 as the United States Delegation to the United Nations, this new outpost of the Department of State illustrates in its organization and operation many of the changes which have come about as bilateral diplomacy has given way to multilateral, “conference-type” United Nations diplomacy. Located at the headquarters of the international organization in New York City, the permanent Mission and its work are symbols of the importance and endless variety of problems posed for American foreign policy by our membership in and support for the United Nations. Since it is still in the process of development, the following study of the organization and role of the United States Mission to the United Nations should be taken as a preliminary analysis.


Author(s):  
Tariq Mehmood

Barely two decades into its creation as a nation-state, Pakistan embraced a pragmatic foreign policy, least expected of a newly crafted state, grappling with how best to mark a niche within the comity of nations (Bakare, 2018). Since 1960, when its first peacekeepers were deployed to Congo, peacekeeping has been pursued vehemently as an integral part of Pakistan’s foreign policy for the fulfilment of its national interest (Bakare, 2018; Kiani, 2004; Meiske and Ruggeri, 2017; Yamin, 2017). As one of the largest Troop Contributing Countries (TCC), its peacekeeping contributions in different conflict zones, especially in Africa, cannot be underestimated. It has contributed over 200,000 troops deployed in 28 countries in 46 missions. Since the indelible and heroic contribution to the United Nations Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II ) — 1993 (Yamin, 2019), Pakistan has never relented in marking significant footprints through peacekeeping in Africa.


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