Voegelin's Neglect: Who's Responsible? Barry Cooper: Eric Voegelin and the Foundations of Modern Political Science. (Columbia and London: University of Missouri Press, 1999. Pp. xv, 463. $44.95, cloth.)

2000 ◽  
Vol 62 (04) ◽  
pp. 820
Author(s):  
Ted V. McAllister
1964 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 378-402
Author(s):  
Dante Germino

Some fifty years ago, Douglas Ainslie wrote of Benedetto Croce: “I can lay no claim to having discovered an America, but I do claim to have discovered a Columbus.” Eric Voegelin, today at the height of his career as a political philosopher, scarcely needs to be discovered; he is regarded as a Columbus in the realms of the spirit by many concerned with the the oretical analysis of politics. But in the political science profession he has been more often ignored or systematically misunderstood than read for what he has to teach. Among those according an indifferent or hostile reception to Voegelin are many who, bewailing the recent “decline” of political theory, might have been expected to welcome the appearance of a thinker meticulously pointing the way to the recovery of political theory as a tradition of inquiry. The basic reasons for this curious reception will be alluded to in the course of this essay. The major objective, however, is to isolate the key elements in Voegelin's political theory and to give some indication of his general position in contemporary political science. Hopefully, the result will be to further the understanding of his work and the appreciation of his achievement.


2002 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
David D. Corey

The article examines Voegelin's understanding of nous as the ground for theorizing, and relates this back to Aristotle. Aristotle is shown to have understood the activities of nous in two distinct ways. On the one hand, nous is the divine activity of the soul exploring its own ground. But nous is also induction (epagôgê) of the first principles of science through sense perception, memory and experience. The two basic activities of nous are related, but they have different values when it comes to the world of particulars. The argument is that a substantive ethical and political science—one that sheds light on particulars—must include the inductive employment of nous and that the exclusion of this from Voegelin's political science results in some discernible limitations.The limitations of Eric Voegelin—s work are sometimes difficult to keep in view, particularly while he is expounding upon the totality of Being, the myriad dimensions of human consciousness, and the nature of order in personal, social, and historical existence. But in fact Voegelin's work is more limited than his magisterial tone might suggest. The argument of this article is that while Voegelin offers his readers profoundly important insights into the structure of human consciousness and into what Aristotle called first philosophy, the study of being qua being, he does not offer his readers much in the way of a substantive ethical or political science.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Issac A. Wagner

[ACCESS RESTRICTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI AT AUTHOR'S REQUEST.] This dissertation addresses two issues in the philosophy of war: the prevention of unjust wars, and the moral justification of lethal defense against 'lesser aggression' (a kind of international aggression that involves the threat to use force rather than the actual use of force). Regarding the prevention of unjust wars, I draw on the bargaining perspective on war, from political science. According to this perspective, war between disputing states can occur when those states are unable to bargain their way to a peaceful resolution of their dispute. The perspective thus suggests that war can be avoided by preventing bargaining failure, and I argue that the wars that would be avoided by preventing bargaining failure will tend to be unjust wars. Therefore, preventing bargaining failure will tend to prevent unjust wars. I then propose some specific moral duties of states to prevent bargaining failure (in order to prevent unjust wars). Regarding the moral justification of lethal defense against lesser aggression, I argue for two things. First, I argue against David Rodin's view that considerations of deterrence do not help to justify lethal defense by a victim against a lesser aggressor. I argue, contra Rodin, that there is good reason to believe that a victim's lethally resisting a lesser aggressor will sometimes deter future aggression against itself and that this 'deterrence effect' may be a significant moral benefit of such resistance (thus helping to justify the resistance). Second, I argue that, under certain empirical conditions, a victim's lethally defending against a lesser aggressor is needlessly morally costly, hence morally unjustified. This is because a victim of lesser aggression will often have available an alternative defensive option--which I call returning-the-threat--that is significantly less morally costly than lethal resistance.


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