Statement: Africanist and Jewish

1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-47
Author(s):  
Richard L. Sklar ◽  
Michael F. Lofchie
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Jewish People ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Good Will ◽  
African Group ◽  
The United Nations

Twenty-eight African states, over sixty percent of the African group at the United Nations, have voted to condemn Zionism as “a form of racism.” Five African countries opposed the resolution and twelve abstained. People of good will do disagree about the merits of particular Israeli policies. The meaning of Zionism is also a matter of serious debate in Jewish and intercultural circles. But to identify Zionism with racism is nothing less than an act of hostility toward the Jewish people. Sadly, the African states contributed as much as any other regional bloc to the perpetration of this act.

Statement: Africanist and Jewish

1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-47
Author(s):  
Richard L. Sklar ◽  
Michael F. Lofchie
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Jewish People ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Good Will ◽  
African Group ◽  
The United Nations

Twenty-eight African states, over sixty percent of the African group at the United Nations, have voted to condemn Zionism as “a form of racism.” Five African countries opposed the resolution and twelve abstained. People of good will do disagree about the merits of particular Israeli policies. The meaning of Zionism is also a matter of serious debate in Jewish and intercultural circles. But to identify Zionism with racism is nothing less than an act of hostility toward the Jewish people. Sadly, the African states contributed as much as any other regional bloc to the perpetration of this act.

United Nations Human Rights Law

2019 ◽  
pp. 65-94
Author(s):  
Steven Wheatley
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Regulatory Authority ◽  
Moral Code ◽  
International Human Rights Law ◽  
Human Rights Law ◽  
African Countries ◽  
South West Africa ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The 1960S

Chapter 3 tells the story of human rights in the United Nations. The work shows how we can understand the UN as a complex system of regulatory authority, which evolves with changes in the behaviours of the Member States and United Nations bodies as they respond to new information. The analysis demonstrates that, up until the 1960s, human rights provided a set of moral guidelines only, informing states how they should treat those subject to their jurisdiction and control. That was until the newly independent African countries joined the Organization and turned their attention to the problem of systematic racial discrimination in southern Africa, especially after the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre, when UN action against South Africa and South West Africa (Namibia) transformed the non-binding moral code contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights into a body of international human rights law, with the development explained by the importance of subsequent agreements and practices in the evolution of the regulatory authority of the United Nations.

Seminar on Urgent Administrative Problems of African Governments

1963 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-242
Author(s):  
Edward Laberge
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
International Union ◽  
The Third ◽  
Economic Commission ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Social Affairs

This seminar was held in accordance with a resolution of the third session of the Economic Commission for Africa, which sponsored it jointly with the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations; it was the first U.N. activity in the field of public administration in Africa. The participants included representatives from 17 African countries, and from the following specialised organisations: F.A.O., I.C.A.O., I.L.O., W.H.O., E.C.A., and the International Union of Local Authorities.

scholarly journals The African Union, the United Nations Security Council and the Politicisation of International Justice in Africa

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benson Chinedu Olugbuo
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
International Criminal Court ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
Criminal Court ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
African Union ◽  
African Countries ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Relationship

There are two questions with multiple answers regarding the relationship between Africa and the International Criminal Court. The first is whether the International Criminal Court is targeting Africa and the second is if politics plays any role in the decision to investigate and prosecute crimes within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. For the African Union, the International Criminal Court has become a western court targeting weak African countries and ignoring the atrocities committed by big powers including permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The accusation by the African Union against the International Criminal Court leads to the argument that the International Criminal Court is currently politised. This is a charge consistently denied by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. The aim of this paper is to discuss the relationship between the United Nations Security Council, the International Criminal Court and the African Union. It articulates the role of the three institutions in the fight against impunity and the maintenance of international peace and security with reference to the African continent. The paper argues that complementarity should be applied to regional organisations and that the relationship between the African Union and the International Criminal Court should be guided by the application of positive complementarity and a nuanced approach to the interests of justice. This offers the International Criminal Court and the African Union an opportunity to develop mutual trust and result-oriented strategies to confront the impunity on the continent. The paper further argues that the power of the United Nations Security Council to refer situations to the International Criminal Court and defer cases before the Court is a primary source of the disagreement between the prosecutor and the African Union and recommends a division of labour between the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council.

scholarly journals AFRICAN ECONOMIC PARADOX: INDUSTRIALIZATION CREATING JOBS AND ADDED VALUE OR ACTIVE PARTICIPATION IN GLOBAL VALUE CHAINS: WHAT SOLUTIONS TO DEVELOP FOR THE LESS ADVANCED AND LANDLOCKED COUNTRIES LIKE BURKINA FASO?

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Nicolas Carbonell ◽  
Dr. Théophile Bindeouè Nassè ◽  
Dr. Denis Akouwerabou
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Burkina Faso ◽  
Industrial Development ◽  
Value Added ◽  
Global Value Chains ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Added Value ◽  
Value Chains ◽  
African Countries ◽  
The United Nations

The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (2016) calls for resources for the implementation of the Action Plan for Accelerated Industrial Development in Africa, and states that: “Industrialization is essential for African countries as a means of increasing income, creating jobs, developing value-added activities and diversifying economies”. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the African Development Bank (AFDB), and the Organization for Cooperation and Economics Development (OCED, 2014, p. 16) explain the benefits to African countries’ participation in Global Value Chains (GVC) to industrialize without having to implement all stages of the chain. They add that the acquisition of new production capacities can allow countries and companies to move upmarket, which is to say to increase their share of value added in a GVC. But the opposite is the case, at least in some countries like Burkina Faso. We are witnessing a “specialization of primary products (cotton and non-monetary gold), to the detriment of manufacturing industry with high potential for multiplier effects on local economies” National Plan for Economic and Social Development of Burkina Faso (PNDES, 2017, p.12). Cusolito and al. (2016) mention that overcoming a series of obstacles (such as bad policies and governance, insufficient technology and skills) is the way to actively participate in GVCs. Yet OPEN it is these same obstacles that have always prevented the industrialization of Sub-Saharan Africa (excluding South Africa). The results show that the Global Value Chains (GVC) contribute to the creation of added value in developing countries what has an effect on industrialization

African Refugees: Their Impact on Economic Development in Countries of Asylum

1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 7-9
Author(s):  
Mabel M. Smythe
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Homeless People ◽  
International Community ◽  
African Countries ◽  
African Refugees ◽  
United Nations High Commissioner ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Basic Facts

The basic facts are well known: half the world’s refugees are in African, trying to eke out an existence in some of the world’s poorest countries. Since the numbers –five million is the usual total given for all Africa–change constantly, one cannot be precise about how many there are. African countries have opened their doors and, inevitably, their economies to the refugees; the international community is giving help, chiefly through the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. There are obvious reasons for countries of asylum to inflate the figures. Moreover, since more homeless people may arrive tomorrow–or may already have come without making their presence known–the’most honest of officials have incentive to err on the generous side.

Reforming the UNSC by the African Union proposal to address inequality: The limitations

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-148
Author(s):  
Tatenda Leopold Chakanyuka
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
United Nations ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
The Other ◽  
Veto Power ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
African Union ◽  
World War ◽  
African Countries ◽  
The United Nations

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has been accused of serving the interests of the victors of World War II rather than the collective interests of the current world. Countries, regions, and academics have all called for UNSC reform. The African Union (AU) argues that the current arrangements of the Council do not reflect the broad membership of the United Nations (UN) and ‘equitable geographical distribution’ provided for under the Charter of the United Nations and calls for equitable representation and involvement as per its proposal. Though the African position enjoys the support of most African countries, some African countries have described it as becoming unreasonable and obstructionist to the reform process. Despite, many scholars and countries questioning the practicality and prospects of the AU position gaining universal acceptance, the AU has not stopped calling for reforms by their position. Based on the realities of Article 108 and the responses the African proposal has received, it is time to compromise, but the compromise must be mutual. Currently, the African position does not seem to have the support of either the P5 or the majority of the other UN members. There is a need to devise a new plan that can get the support of the majority. Since Africa is the only region highly underrepresented in the UNSC, representation for Africa is long overdue. This article concludes that for the African position to gain the support of the other countries, including that of the P5, Africa must compromise but the compromise must be reciprocal. Africa can propose two permanent members with one veto power which will increase the veto holders to six.

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