Effect of the African Group of States on the Behavior of the United Nations

Author(s):  
Thomas Hovet
1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-47
Author(s):  
Richard L. Sklar ◽  
Michael F. Lofchie

Twenty-eight African states, over sixty percent of the African group at the United Nations, have voted to condemn Zionism as “a form of racism.” Five African countries opposed the resolution and twelve abstained. People of good will do disagree about the merits of particular Israeli policies. The meaning of Zionism is also a matter of serious debate in Jewish and intercultural circles. But to identify Zionism with racism is nothing less than an act of hostility toward the Jewish people. Sadly, the African states contributed as much as any other regional bloc to the perpetration of this act.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-47
Author(s):  
Richard L. Sklar ◽  
Michael F. Lofchie

Twenty-eight African states, over sixty percent of the African group at the United Nations, have voted to condemn Zionism as “a form of racism.” Five African countries opposed the resolution and twelve abstained. People of good will do disagree about the merits of particular Israeli policies. The meaning of Zionism is also a matter of serious debate in Jewish and intercultural circles. But to identify Zionism with racism is nothing less than an act of hostility toward the Jewish people. Sadly, the African states contributed as much as any other regional bloc to the perpetration of this act.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 197-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy

This article examines the role that groups played in the rise of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) within the United Nations (un) system. It focuses in particular on the role of informal groups of states in advancing a consensus on R2P, contrasting their role with that of formal regional and political groups, which — with the exception of the African Group — played a more marginal role. R2P has given rise to a multiplicity of informal groups of states. These informal groups operate alongside the formal regional and political groups and, with one or two exceptions, have tended to be significantly more influential, the main reason being the principle’s genesis. Arising out of fractious debates in the late 1990s about intervention and the relationship between sovereignty and fundamental human rights, R2P was from the outset a conscious attempt to bridge political divides between states in the un — especially the ‘North–South’ theatre.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-24
Author(s):  
Abdulrahim A. Farah

Criticism is frequently expressed about the manner in which the African group at the United Nations injects southern Africa into discussions at every conceivable opportunity in the political, the economic, and the social forum. A question often posed is whether the emphasis on this issue, particularly at the international level, is proportionate to its import for the world community as a whole. As we Africans view the matter, the situation in southern Africa challenges the basic assumptions which brought the United Nations into being, and it is therefore the responsibility of the entire world community. In the political context, the situation is seen as a threat to regional and international peace and security; in the moral context it is considered a crime against humanity. The concern of African states was expressed by the late Kwame Nkrumah when, as President of Ghana, he declared: “The independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked with the total liberation of Africa.”


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