Virtue and Necessity: The Bonds of Marriage and the Political Economy of J. S. Mill and F. W. Newman

1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-609
Author(s):  
Jeff Lipkes
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
New Testament ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Social Reform ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
John Stuart Mill ◽  
The Political ◽  
The New Testament

For his first review of someone else’s economic treatise following the publication of his ownPrinciples of Political Economyin 1848, John Stuart Mill chose to examine Francis Newman’sLectures on Political Economy(1851). One might expect that Mill’s review would be sympathetic. Both Mill and Newman were zealous reformers, much berated for pursuing endless “crotchets.” They were both great advocates of the two campaigns that, for Mill, eventually emerged as pre-eminent: land reform and the emancipation of women. It would be reasonable to assume that the political economy of each helped determine the scope and focus of his respective involvement in social reform, and there would be much commonality. Newman, moreover, had only the year before outraged orthodox opinion by his highly critical analysis of the New Testament inPhases of Faith. While Mill downplayed his own secularism, he would likely have felt more than a spark of kinship with someone who had managed to scandalize even liberal Unitarians.

scholarly journals Mill's ‘Modern’ Radicalism Re-Examined: Joseph Persky's The Political Economy of Progress

Utilitas ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen McCabe
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
John Stuart Mill ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Specific Species

AbstractIn The Political Economy of Progress, Joseph Persky argues for seeing John Stuart Mill as a consistent ‘radical’ with much to offer modern ‘radical’ political discourse. In this article, I further this claim with consideration of Mill's political philosophy, as well as his political economy. Exploring Mill's commitment to radical reordering of the economy, as well as emphasizing his commitment to egalitarianism; his historically nuanced view of ‘the progress of justice’; and his desire for a transformation of social (and economic) relations allows us to see more clearly how Mill's radicalism was a specific species of socialism. That is, Mill's early radical enthusiasm for the ideals of ‘liberty, equality and fraternity’ is also to be seen in his later socialism. Recognizing his ‘radicalism’ as a species of socialism allows greater understanding of the depth, importance and ‘radicalism’ of Mill's desired socialist reforms.

scholarly journals Die ‘postmoderne’ stempel in die Nuwe-Testamentiese hermeneutiek

1993 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
G. C.J. Nel ◽  
A. G. Van Aarde
Keyword(s):  
Reader Response ◽  
New Testament ◽  
Jacques Derrida ◽  
The Political ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
Reader Response Criticism

The ‘postmodern’ stamp in the hermeneutics of the New Testament It is often said that we are presently in a ‘postmodern’ age. A variety of definitions and opinions are given on what ‘postmodernism’ should be. Writers and interprete rs increasingly call themselves ‘postmodern’. This study focuses on reader-response criticism and the political reading o f texts as two approaches which make themselves known as ‘postmodern’. In the light of the insights of Jacques Derrida the essence of postmodernism is put into words and the claims of our being ‘postmodern’ are weighed up.

Reform and resistance: The political economy of land and planning reform in Kenya

Urban Studies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (6) ◽  
pp. 1164-1183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Bassett
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Land Management ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Reforms ◽  
Public Land Management ◽  
Land Politics ◽  
Human Rights Movement ◽  
Land Question

In August 2010, Kenyans voted to adopt a new Constitution. Amongst its many provisions was devolved governance, which established 47 independent counties each led by a directly elected governor and legislative assembly. The Constitution also sought to address the country’s ‘land question’ by radically reworking land institutions and administration. The Constitution introduced an independent body, the National Land Commission, empowered to oversee public land management and allocation. Constitutional provisions devolved significant powers and responsibilities in land management and planning to the county level. These reforms – stressing transparency, accountability and greater community participation in land planning and administration – were intended to halt endemic corruption at the Ministry of Lands, address land injustices, enhance tenure security, and facilitate better-functioning land markets. This paper examines the unfolding institutional reform around land pursuant to the 2010 Constitution. It explores the political economy of land in Kenya by examining incentives for and impediments to institutional change toward better land management and long sought-after land justice. As with many reforms adopted throughout the Global South, Kenya’s land reforms were premised on ‘getting the incentives right’. Incentivising behaviour is extremely complicated in a sector as complex, dynamic and profitable as the land sector. The research highlights the role of urban planners, actors rarely examined in the literature on Kenya’s land politics. Kenya’s faltering land reform is a result of the internal conflicting incentives of land actors and the fact that no legal reform will be sufficient to alter entrenched behaviour without renewed pressure from a broad-based land justice/human rights movement.

The Political Economy of Land Reform in China's “Newly Liberated Areas”: Evidence from Wuxi County

2008 ◽  
Vol 195 ◽  
pp. 675-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Kai-Sing Kung
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Inequality ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Farm Survey ◽  
Class Status ◽  
The Rich

AbstractA farm survey conducted in Wuxi county in the 1950s found that the Chinese Communist Party had successfully “preserved the rich peasant economy” in the “newly liberated areas”: the landlords were indeed the only social class whose properties had been redistributed, yet without compromising on the magnitude of benefits received by the poor peasants. A higher land inequality in that region, coupled with an inter-village transfer of land, allowed these dual goals to be achieved. Our study further reveals that class status was determined both by the amount of land a household owned and whether it had committed certain “exploitative acts,” which explains why some landlords did not own a vast amount of land. Conversely, it was the amount of land owned, not class status, that determined redistributive entitlements, which was why 15 per cent of the poor peasants and half of the middle peasants were not redistributed any land.

The Political Economy of Aleppo in an Age of Ottoman Reform

2009 ◽  
Vol 53 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 290-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Masters Masters*
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Trade ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Agricultural Resources ◽  
Marked Decline ◽  
Euphrates Valley ◽  
The Way

AbstractThe return of Ottoman rule to Aleppo in 1840 corresponded with the inauguration of the reform era (1839-76). Although the central Ottoman state could not have foreseen the outcome, these political reforms undermined its economic sovereignty in two key areas. The Ottoman land reform law of 1858 and schemes to settle the Bedouin in northern Syria enabled Aleppo’s political elite to scramble for the steppe lands of the Euphrates valley and ultimately paved the way for European capitalists to exploit the agricultural resources of the region. Additionally, attempts to control the abuses of the capitulatory system provoked a marked decline in the relative fortunes of the city’s traditional commercial elite, with much of the internal regional trade shifting into the hands of European merchants.Le retour des Ottomans à Alep en 1840 correspond au début de la période de réformes (1839-1876). Bien que l’état central ottoman n’eût pas pu prévoir leurs conséquences, ces réformes politiques ont miné sa souveraineté économique dans deux régions clé. Le code foncier ottomane de 1858 et les projets visant à la sédentarisation des Bédouins dans la Syrie du Nord ont permis à l’élite politique d’Alep une ruée vers les steppes de la vallée de l’Euphrate et ont fini par préparer le chemin aux capitalistes européens qui sont venus exploiter les ressources agricoles de la région. En outre, les tentatives d’obtenir le contrôle des abus du système capitulaire ont provoqué le déclin marqué des fortunes concernées de l’élite commerciale traditionnelle car une grande partie du commerce intérieure régio-nale tombait dans les mains des négociants européens.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of Urban Land Reform in Hawaii

Urban Studies ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 999-1015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sumner J. La Croix ◽  
James Mak ◽  
Louis A. Rose
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Urban Land ◽  
The Political
Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document