The Rise of Indonesian Political Parties

1961 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-65
Author(s):  
Vishal Singh

The development of the Indonesian party system in the first quarter of this century can be traced to various factors. The defeat of Russia by Japan started a chain of new ideas in Asian minds which finally led to the overthrow of the European powers in Asia. But this event in isolation could not have achieved much. The overthrow of the Manchu Empire in China in 1911 by the Chinese nationalist revolutionaries under the leadership of Sun Yat Sen, created a new national consciousness among the Chinese in Indonesia, and Indonesian nationalism partly owes its origin to reaction against this new-born nationalism among overseas Chinese in Indonesia. Later the First World War and the Russian Revolution of 1917 also left a deep impress on Indonesian political life. Though the Dutch tried to keep Indonesia immune from the new ideas emerging in other parts of the world, they could not succeed in this endeavour. Their failure in attempts of this kind was occasionally seen in periodical political outbursts in various parts of Indonesia. Apart from the new waves of revolutionary ideas from Europe, the Indian national movement under the leadership of Tilak and Gandhi also had a noticeable influence on the growth of the early nationalist movement in Indonesia.

2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (02) ◽  
pp. 243-269
Author(s):  
Matthew Hendley

Anti-alienism has frequently been the dark underside of organized patriotic movements in twentieth-century Britain. Love of nation has all too frequently been accompanied by an abstract fear of foreigners or a concrete dislike of alien immigrants residing in Britain. Numerous patriotic leagues have used xenophobia and the supposed threat posed by aliens to define themselves and their Conservative creed. Aliens symbolized “the other,” which held values antithetical to members of the patriotic leagues. These currents have usually become even more pronounced in times of tension and crisis. From the end of the First World War through the 1920s, Britain suffered an enormous economic, social, and political crisis. British unemployment never fell below one million as traditional industries such as coal, iron and steel, shipbuilding, and textiles declined. Electoral reform in 1918 and 1928 quadrupled the size of the electorate, and the British party system fractured with the Liberals divided and Labour becoming the alternative party of government. Industrial unrest was rampant, culminating in the General Strike of 1926. The example of the Russian Revolution inspired many on the Left and appalled their opponents on the Right, while many British Conservatives felt that fundamental aspects of the existing system of capitalism and parliamentary democracy were under challenge.


2019 ◽  
pp. 176-191
Author(s):  
E.Y. Sergeev

The article deals with some key aspects of the perception of the Russian revolution of 1917 by political establishment and public at large in Great Britain which occupied a leading position in the Entente throughout the First World War of 1914 1918. The author retraces the main periods in the transformation of British attitudes to the revolutionary events in Russia: from February to October of the crucial year for this country and the whole world. Based on new or lessknown sources, this study is a comparative analysis of evaluations of radical upheaval in the life of the former empire, which became a republic, by representatives of various political parties and movements from Conservatives to leftLabours. The paper concludes that a circular trajectory may be considered as the most typical for the general dynamics of the Russian (Soviet)British relations in the Twentieth Century.В статье рассматриваются некоторые ключевые аспекты восприятия русской революции 1917 года политическим истеблишментом и широкой общественностью Великобритании, занимавшей лидирующие позиции в Антанте на протяжении всей Первой мировой войны 19141918 годов. Автор прослеживает основные периоды трансформации отношения англичан к революционным событиям в России: с февраля по октябрь решающего года для этой страны и всего мира. Опираясь на новые или менее известные источники, данное исследование представляет собой сравнительный анализ оценок радикальных потрясений в жизни бывшей империи, ставшей Республикой, представителями различных политических партий и движенийот консерваторов до левых лейбористов. Сделан вывод о том, что круговая траектория может рассматриваться как наиболее характерная для общей динамики российскобританских отношений в ХХ веке.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 309-314
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Solovyov

In the center of the article author’s attention is the book “Twilight of Europe” by G. A. Landau, which is sometimes regarded as direct predecessor of O. Spengler’s works. The article is devoted to G. A. Landau’s views on the nature of political, social, and legal processes in Europe after the First World War. The special attention is paid to the circumstances that Landau believed to be the signs of European civilization ill-being: the collapse of empires, nationalism, and the inclusion of the masses in the political life. Accordingly, the emphasis is placed on Landau’s evaluation of such concepts as “militarism”, “empire”, “nation”, etc.


2009 ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
Steven Forti

- Nicola Bombacci was an important PSI's leader during the First World War and the biennio rosso (1919-1920). After his expulsion from the PCd'I, of which was one of the founders, he approached fascism and became one of the last supporters of it since he had been shooted by partisans and died in Como Lake, and had been exposed in Loreto Square beside to Mussolini. After a short historical mention of the Bombacci's political life, these pages will analyse deeper the question of the passage from the left to fascism in interwar Italy, through the analyse of his political language. The method executed in order to analyse the question foresees the use of a biography by dates and the identification of the political interpretation's categories, which permit to carry out a comparison between the social-communist and fascist period. In conclusions, the article proposes a thesis of interpretation: the political passion.Parole chiave: Fascismo, Nazione, Rivoluzione, Classe, Guerra, Passione politica Fascism, Nation, Revolution, Class, War, Political passion


Karl Barth ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 84-99
Author(s):  
Christiane Tietz

The support of prominent theologians for the First World War made Barth understand that their premises were false. How instead could a pastor rightly speak of God? Barth returned anew to the biblical text, becoming convinced that it can still speak to people today. The result was Barth’s first Epistle to the Romans (1919), a commentary to Paul’s letter. Barth stresses that the kingdom of God comes about solely through God, while all human activities, including religion, belong to the world. Barth’s cultural critique reflects the spiritual situation of the wartime and postwar period, yet without any hope on cultural renewal. In his 1919 Tambach lecture, Barth further developed his insights of the difference between God and religion. For God one can only wait. Jesus Christ’s resurrection is the wholly other. Therefore theology needs to think dialectically. Barth’s new ideas found great resonance, but he was also accused of arbitrary exegesis.


Author(s):  
Roger D. Markwick ◽  
Nicholas Doumanis

Europe was a continent of nation states by the mid-twentieth century. But it was not always thus. The patchwork quilt of nation states and the nationalism that coloured them in were forged by massive social and political shifts that had been gathering momentum since the late nineteenth century. Viewing nations and nationalism as constructs of modern, global capitalism, often legitimated by national mythologies old and new, this chapter surveys the forces at work: from above and below, from centre and periphery. The First World War raised nationalism to white heat, and as multi-ethnic empires faltered, myriad subaltern nationalisms erupted, demanding ‘self-determination’, the watchword of the post-war peace settlements. But the war also unleashed internationalist class challenges to belligerent nationalism, culminating in the 1917 Russian Revolution. Thereafter, European nationalism assumed its most truculent guise: fascism and military dictatorships warring against class in the name of ethnic, national, and biological purity.


Author(s):  
Nick Fischer

This chapter examines the origins of the Red Scare of 1919–1920, with particular emphasis on the role of the United States's entry into the First World War. The effort required to bring a reluctant nation into the war and quash dissenting voices brought the federal government into the business of systematic rather than ad hoc industrial and political repression. The civil liberties of citizens who protested either the commitment to war or its effects were suppressed. The place of nativism and antiradicalism in American politics and society became elevated. More importantly, the experience of war set political precedents that helped to spawn a new movement devoted to promoting the cause of anticommunism in American life. The chapter first considers how US participation in the First World War contributed to the emergence of “modern” anticommunism before discussing the role of the American Protective League in the repression efforts during the war. It also explores the business of loyalty, cultural repression, farmers' collectives and minor political parties, silencing dissent, and the campaign against industrial unions during the war.


2015 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-31
Author(s):  
Laurent Olivier

Gavin Lucas has returned to the theme of archaeological time, which has long interested him, and, in this paper, to contemporaneousness in archaeology. For a historian, contemporaneousness is a straightforward matter. The First World War and the Russian Revolution, for example, are considered contemporaneous because the two events took place during the same period of time. Both significantly influenced the course of 20th-century history and influenced each other as well. But for an archaeologist, the very notion of chronology is fundamentally problematic. We date an archaeological object or feature on the basis of morphological attributes that allow us to estimate the time during which it was created. In other words, a historical date (the actual date when some vestige came to be) corresponds, in archaeology, to a probable length of time. Archaeological time floats.


Author(s):  
Mykhailo Gauchman

The article deals with the collective actions of plant workers in Luhans’k (inRussian pronunciation – Lugansk) in labor conflicts during the First Russianrevolution (1905–1907) and the First World War (1914–1918). This town wasone of the main towns of industrial Donbass and the center of Slovianoserbiandistrict of Ekaterinoslavian province.The relationships between administration and workers in Luhans’k areinvestigated on the materials of clerical work of Ekaterinoslavian provinceand memoirs of participators on events. These sources are especially aboutthe behavior of workers from two big industrial enterprises – the Gartmanplant and the Cartridges plant. In the crisis periods, such as revolutions andwars, the social-political relations are sharpened and changeable. And revolutionsand wars left behind enough historical sources for studying workers’history.In the Luhans’k’s enterprises, there were – during the First Russian Revolution– the general town’s strike in February 1905, the attempt of the strike tothe 1st of May 1905 in the Gartman plant, the strike in the Gartman plant inJuly 1905, the mass unrest in December 1905, the attempt of strike to the 1stof May 1906 in the Gartman plant, the lockout in the Gartman plant in March1907 and the general town’s strike in July 1916 in the time of social-economicscrisis during the First World War. The studying of strikes, attempts ofstrikes and mass unrests in 1905–1907 and 1916 allows defining some featuresof collective’s activity of plant’s workers:1) the inconsistent solidarity of workers in the times of strikes. The generalunderstanding of oppressed status and necessity of fighting for their rightsspread among the workers during the strike’s waves, but this solidarity ofworkers didn’t cause to cooperative planned activities;2) the crisis of vertical relationships between administrators and workersin the time of strikes of 1905 and 1916. In Patron plant subordination and paternalismwere saved during the strike in February 1905, unlike in Gartmanplant, but not in the strike in 1916;3) the influence on workers of the revolutionary movement. Revolution ideasand local activists of illegal political parties were impacted of workers’ moods in the crisis times. In 1905 increasing of social-democrats’ activity in Luhans’kwas the aftermath of town’s strikes. But in 1916 the spreading of revolutionideas preceded the emergence in workers’ dissatisfaction with their ownsituation during the social-economics crises, which was the cause of generaltown’s strike;4) the workers’ capacity to spontaneous self-organization during strikesand making the continuous organization forms in the Gartman plant. In thisenterprise in 1906 was formed two workers’ organizations: pawnshop andprofessional association. This association conflicted with plant’s administrationin 1907 and headed the strikes in 1906.


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