scholarly journals Music, blackness and national identity: three moments in Colombian history

Popular Music ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Wade

The study of music and national identity has been limited, in my view, by some underlying assumptions. The first is connected to some influential ideas on nationalism, while the second has to do with long-standing ideas about the relation between music and identity. On nationalism, many approaches place too much emphasis on the homogenising tendencies of nationalist discourse, whereas, in my view, homogenisation exists in a complex and ambivalent relationship with the construction of difference by the same nationalist forces that create homogeneity. In a related fashion, with respect to music and identity, several studies of Latin American musical styles and their socio-political context – for example, ones focusing on the Dominican Republic, Haiti and Brazil – display a tendency to set up a model of homogenising elites versus diversifying and resistant minorities.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Camila S Ferreira ◽  
Catarina M Azeredo ◽  
Ana Elisa M Rinaldi

Abstract Objective: To analyse trends of social inequality in breastfeeding and infant formula (IF) use in Latin America between 1990 and 2010 decades. Design: Time-series cross-sectional study with data from Demographic and Health Surveys. We described the prevalence of exclusive breastfeeding (EBF), breastfeeding between 6 and 12 months (BF6-12) and IF for infants under 6 months (IF < 6) and between 6 and 12 months (IF6-12). Social inequalities were assessed using the slope index of inequality (SII) and concentration index (CIX). Trends in the prevalence of breastfeeding, IF and index of social inequality were analysed by a linear regression model with weighted least squares variance. Setting: Bolivia, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Haiti and Peru. Participants: 51·358 alive infants younger than 12 months. Results: Five countries showed an increasing trend for EBF and BF6-12, four increased for IF < 6 and six for IF6-12. Simultaneous decrease in IF < 6 (Colombia: −0·3/year; Haiti: −0·02/year) and increase in EBF (Colombia: +2·0/year; Haiti: +1·9/year) were observed only in two countries. EBF prevalence was high in the lowest income quintiles in five countries, and IF prevalence was high in the highest income quintiles in all countries and over the decades. For BF6-12, a decrease in inequality (prevalence increased in the highest quintile) was observed in Guatemala (SII1995 = −0·42; SII2015 = −0·28) and the Dominican Republic (SII1996 = −0·54; SII2013 = −0·26). Guatemala was the only country showing a decrease in inequality for BF (SII = −0·005; CIX = −0·0035) and an increase for IF (SII = 0·022; CIX = 0·01). Conclusions: The inequality in BF and IF remained over time. However, inequality in IF < 6 has decreased because low-income infants have increased use and high-income infants have decreased.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 626-647 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Hogenboom

Chinese oil companies have recently started to set up operations in Latin America, and they are doing this at a rapid pace. This article aims to provide an overview of the increasing flows of oil and capital (fdiand credit) between Latin America and China, and to clarify how they interact with the broader Sino-Latin American relations as well as Latin America’s changing political landscape. In addition to regional trends, the cases of Venezuela, Brazil and Ecuador are discussed. The article combines an assessment of factual data with an analysis of the broader political economy context in which these new oil relations operate. Next to national differences, three general tendencies stand out: first, the type of arrangements and coordinated activities that Chinese companies, banks and government agencies deploy differ from those of other large oil-seeking nations; second, while the arrival of Chinese capital is welcomed by Latin American governments and pictured as part of non-imperialist South-South relations, Chinese oil companies and loans are sometimes criticized in local media by scholars, opposition andngos; and third, Chinese oil imports and investments have added to changing attitudes and policies towards strategic sectors under new political regimes, which allows for more social spending but which critics have labeled as the return to an ‘extractivist model.’


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-776 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pol De Vos ◽  
Wim De Ceukelaire ◽  
Mariano Bonet ◽  
Patrick van der Stuyft

In the first years after Cuba's 1959 revolution, the island's new government provided international medical assistance to countries affected by natural disasters or armed conflicts. Step by step, a more structural complementary program for international collaboration was put in place. The relief operations after Hurricane Mitch, which struck Central America in 1998, were pivotal. From November 1998 onward, the “Integrated Health Program” was the cornerstone of Cuba's international cooperation. The intense cooperation with Hugo Chávez's Venezuela became another cornerstone. Complementary to the health programs abroad, Cuba also set up international programs at home, benefiting tens of thousands of foreign patients and disaster victims. In a parallel program, medical training is offered to international students in the Latin American Medical School in Cuba and, increasingly, also in their home countries. The importance and impact of these initiatives, however, cannot and should not be analyzed solely in public health terms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Młynarska-Sobaczewska

Preambles are parts of constitutions, which are visibly neglected in legal theory and constitutional law. They are defined as solemn introductions to constitutions, which indicate the sovereign, historical and political context of increasing the new constitutional order, main aims and principles – the foundation of constitution. Such elements are also commonly apparent in most of post communist constitutions of European states. The article shows the integrative function of these preambles, achieved by using clauses creating and maintaining the identity of political community. The clauses with this function are identified as: statements regarding national and cultural heritage, declaration of sovereign as people or nation, and expression of common aims and fundamental principles of community. The article investigates these elements in texts of preambles to post-communist constitutions and indicates their role as tending to create the national identity.


2003 ◽  
Vol 109 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Saxton

In October 2001, it was alleged that asylum seekers had thrown their children overboard in order to manipulate the Australian Navy to pick them up and take them to Australian territory. In response to this incident, Prime Minister John Howard announced on radio 3LO: ‘I certainly don't want people like that here.’ (Mares, 2002: 135) A discursive approach is adopted in this paper to examine how asylum seekers have been constructed to be ‘people like that’ in the print media. The analysis demonstrates that asylum seekers have been represented as illegal, non-genuine and threatening in these texts. These representations were employed within nationalist discourse to legitimate the government's actions and public opinion concerning asylum seekers and to manage the delicate issue of national identity. The discursive management of the collective identity of asylum seekers by the dominant culture to construct a specific social reality is discussed and illustrated.


Author(s):  
Robert A. Karl

This chapter discusses how the Lleras administration's political pardon and agrarian lending program extended to frontier Communists such as Manuel Marulanda an opportunity to restore their rights and livelihoods. Though Latin American historians have concentrated on the grander utopian visions of geopolitical insurgency and revolutionary politics that took shape after the Cuban revolution of 1959, the crux of Colombian politics remained in these local, regional, and national contexts. Moreover, situating peace alongside violence accordingly entails a sweeping reinterpretation of not only Colombian history but also the Latin American 1960s—ostensibly an era of revolutionary violence. A focus on peace reveals a greater coherence to the words and decisions of well-known historical figures such as Marulanda.


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