scholarly journals The Politics of Administrative Law: New York's Anti-Bureaucracy Clause and the O'Brian-Wagner Campaign of 1938

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Ernst

In April 1938 New York's first constitutional convention since 1915 convened in Albany. When it adjourned in late August, one of the amendments slated for a referendum that fall was an “anti-bureaucracy clause,” a provision that would greatly increase the New York courts' oversight of the state's agencies. Although voters rejected it, contemporaries saw the anti-bureaucracy clause as a harbinger of a national campaign against the New Deal. In September 1938 Charles Wyzanski, a former member of the Solicitor General's office, warned Attorney General Homer Cummings that the anti-bureaucracy clause was “the advance signal of an approaching partisan attack on a national scale.” Wyzanski was right: in early 1939 a bill endorsed by the American Bar Association's House of Delegates was introduced in Congress by Representative Francis Walter and Senator Marvel Mills Logan. Just as the New York provision “would have almost certainly destroyed the effectiveness of the state administrative agencies,” the New Dealer Abe Feller warned Cummings's successor, so would the Walter-Logan bill hamstring the federal government. When President Franklin Roosevelt vetoed the bill in December 1940, he declared it part of a national campaign that had begun with the anti-bureaucracy clause.

1989 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-120
Author(s):  
Wythe Holt ◽  
James R. Perry

In the spring of 1789, officials elected under the Constitution met in New York to begin the work of organizing the new federal government. The federalists had won the battle for ratification, but the war to establish an accepted and respected federal structure was yet to be won. The opponents of centralized government had been subdued, but not conquered. Issues that had caused heated debate in the Constitutional Convention and in the state ratifying conventions lay just beneath the surface and could be revived easily. Any resurgence could shake the foundation of the new federal edifice.


Author(s):  
Felix L. Armfield

This chapter covers Eugene Kinckle Jones's involvement with the federal government, as he had political ties to the two presidents in office during his tenure with the NUL, Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt, whose administrations sought and received advice and active participation from Jones and the NUL. The late 1920s ushered in a new day in national reform policies, after all, and Jones had proven himself as a progressive reformer. Thus the chapter examines how black social workers responded to “relief” efforts and the ways they facilitated institution building and community development during the 1930s. It also examines Jones's fund-raising activities, his relations with white philanthropists, and his position within the Department of Commerce during the New Deal era..


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Kenneth White

Donald Trump’s presidency is likely to become what Stephen Skowronek once labeled as a “disjunctive presidency.”  Trump’s election in 2016 and the issue positions he has taken mark the end of the Reagan Era.  Just as Jimmy Carter’s one-term signaled the end of the New Deal era begun by Franklin D. Roosevelt, so, too, does Trump’s already troubled presidency signify the end of Reagan’s conservatism. Changing demographics have hastened the end of the Reagan era, and the next presidential contest is likely to be one that James David Barber called a “politics as conscience,” not a conflict election to which Trump was well-suited.  Trump’s victory, along with the end of the Reagan era, also signals a moment of significant danger for the Republican Party, despite the present unified GOP control of the federal government and recent gains that the party has made at the state and local levels.


1985 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 183
Author(s):  
Barbara Blumberg ◽  
William W. Bremer

Significance National and state leaders of his Democratic Party had been pressing Cuomo to resign since last week’s publication of a report from State Attorney-General Letitia James detailing his sexual harassment of eleven women, including state employees. Cuomo’s impeachment by the state legislature was looking all but certain by the time he resigned. Impacts Prosecutors in five New York State counties will continue to pursue separate criminal investigations despite Cuomo’s resignation. The State Assembly may complete the impeachment process, despite Cuomo’s resignation, in order to prevent him from running again. Cuomo will continue to talk up his liberal polices, his opposition to Donald Trump, and his leadership during the pandemic.


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