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2022 ◽  
pp. 145-177

This chapter will focus on the debate over same-sex marriage. This unprecedented societal evolution began in 1990, when three same-sex couples applied for marriage licenses from the state of Hawaii. They were refused and challenged the state's decision. Although the battle in Hawaii began in court, it ended in the state legislature, spreading from there rapidly across the nation. Legislators responded to the promotion of same-sex marriage by sponsoring and passing bills claiming it contravened their faith-based principles.


2021 ◽  
pp. 63-83
Author(s):  
Julia Payson

This chapter zooms out to examine the state-level features that are associated with differences in the intensity of local government lobbying. Several state characteristics correlate with municipal lobbying, such as local property tax limitations, but two of the most striking are the combination of term limits and the level of professionalization in the state legislature. Cities are also more likely to mobilize as state transfers comprise a greater share of municipal budgets. These findings suggest that lobbyists might be particularly useful at facilitating representation in complex legislative environments with high turnover among elected officials—especially when cities depend on the state for revenue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 771-771
Author(s):  
Sonia Salari ◽  
Sharon Talboys ◽  
Annie Isabel Fukushima ◽  
Heather Melton ◽  
Seage Michelle ◽  
...  

Abstract A multi-method study exposed COVID-19 influence on the pre-existing epidemic of elder mistreatment in Utah. We found changes in 1) abuse types, 2) service responses, 3) firearm access and 4) policy implications. Gun sales were tracked by news surveillance and FBI National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) for pre-pandemic (2018/2019) and pandemic years (2020/2021). New requests for permits skyrocketed during the pandemic. The 2021 Utah State Legislature loosened restrictions on concealed permits. Domestic violence (DV) Fatality Tracker Data in pre-covid years were compared to 2020-2021. A figure illustrates the prevalence of DV fatalities, ages of victims by year and methods used. We conducted 15 in-depth interviews of stake holders who serve DV victims (shelters, police, etc.). DV shelters had a relative lack of children during the pandemic, but increased use by older persons 60+. Susceptibility to chronic respiratory distress syndrome, required social distance for older persons. DV shelters obtained CARES Act funds to adapt solutions, like placing victims in hotel rooms. Most victims stayed at home, confined with abuser(s), some without technology, so isolation decreased their safety. Evidence suggests some fatalities among elder adults. A case study during the pandemic described a 73-year-old mother’s suspicious bank account activity. Bank employees sent police to her home. She was missing, but her co-resident adult son was in possession of her bank cards. She was later found in a shallow grave. Utah households have increased risks of DV fatalities in the wake of the pandemic and for years to come.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2022 (1) ◽  
pp. 608-628
Author(s):  
Maggie Van Nortwick ◽  
Christo Wilson

Abstract On June 28, 2018, the California State Legislature passed the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), arguably the most comprehensive piece of online privacy legislation in the United States. Online services covered by the CCPA are required to provide a hyperlink on their homepage with the text “Do Not Sell My Personal Information” (DNSMPI). The CCPA went into effect on January 1, 2020, a date that was chosen to give data collectors time to study the new law and bring themselves into compliance. In this study, we begin the process of investigating whether websites are complying with the CCPA by focusing on DNSMPI links. Using longitudinal data crawled from the top 1M websites in the Tranco ranking, we examine which websites are including DNSMPI links, whether the websites without DNSMPI links are out of compliance with the law, whether websites are using geofences to dynamically hide DNSMPI links from non-Californians, how DNSMPI adoption has changed over time, and how websites are choosing to present DNSMPI links (e.g., in terms of font size, color, and placement). We argue that the answers to these questions are critical for spurring enforcement actions under the law, and helping to shape future privacy laws and regulations, e.g., rule making that will soon commence around the successor to the CCPA, known as the CPRA.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001312452110472
Author(s):  
Pat Somers ◽  
Huajian Gao ◽  
Z. W. Taylor

As campus carry policies are implemented at colleges and universities across the country, the concern for the safety of students, faculty members, and campus community members has heightened. In the state of Texas, broad sweeping campus carry policies were recently enacted by Texas State Legislature that allows individuals to conceal carry firearms within educational spaces on campus. Within these educational spaces, faculty members are often relied upon to deliver educational content without having their Second Amendment speech rights chilled by the prospect of loaded firearms within a classroom. Given this tension, this study fills an important gap in the research and explains how faculty members view campus carry as it relates to their personal safety and professional work. This study employed a mixed methods design (survey and qualitative) to expound upon the attitudes toward campus carry of 226 faculty and staff members working in a large research-intensive university within the state of Texas. Results suggest strong gender differences between how faculty members view campus carry policies and their safety on campus, with women often reporting feeling less safe and less able to perform their job duties under the pressure and anxiety of campus carry policies. Ultimately, this study’s results imply that women faculty members may more less safe, more marginalized, and further victimized by campus carry laws than men faculty members, transgressing gender equity progress in the professoriate, as women have been traditionally underrepresented on college faculties.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (28_suppl) ◽  
pp. 108-108
Author(s):  
Mark Andrew Lewis ◽  
Lindsay Stansfield ◽  
John M. Kelton ◽  
Michelle L. Edwards ◽  
Christopher Hanyoung Lieu

108 Background: In the US, rural areas have higher cancer mortality rates than urban areas. Clinical practice guidelines recommend testing for BRAF and RAS mutations, and deficient mismatch repair (dMMR)/microsatellite instability (MSI) in pts with mCRC. However, data on biomarker testing rates in rural communities are limited. We surveyed ONC in the US who practice in rural areas and urban clusters to identify biomarker testing patterns and barriers. Methods: A web-based survey was administered to board-certified ONC who spend ≥ 40% of their time providing direct care to pts in rural areas or urban clusters (US Census Bureau definition) and who treated ≥ 2 pts with stage IV mCRC in the month prior to the survey. ONC in Maine, Vermont, and West Virginia were excluded (state legislature), as were those employed by the US government, Veterans Affairs, or Kaiser Permanente. Respondents were compensated. Data were analyzed descriptively. Results: From Feb 12 to Mar 18, 2021, 99 ONC (40% medical ONC, 60% hematologists/ONC) completed the survey. Respondents spent 56% and 18% of their time (mean) practicing in urban clusters and rural areas, respectively; 33% were in the South, followed by 26%, 22%, and 18% in the Northeast, Midwest, and West, respectively. 97% of ONC had ordered biomarker tests for pts; 35% referred pts for independent genomic testing. ONC tested biomarkers most commonly for stage IV disease: 72%, 65%, 63%, 59%, and 66% for KRAS, NRAS, BRAF, PD-L1, and dMMR/MSI, respectively (Table). 41% of ONC reported performing reflex testing at their primary practice, most commonly for PD-L1 (62%), KRAS (60%), and dMMR/MSI (52%). DNA-based next-generation sequencing (NGS) was the most common testing method reported. ONC indicated they would test for an actionable biomarker if it were known to occur in ≥ 28% of pts with mCRC. The most commonly cited barriers to testing were insufficient tissue samples and lack of insurance coverage. Although > 50% of ONC agreed telehealth can improve testing rates, 81% noted barriers, including pts lacking technology equipment (56%) and pts being disengaged or unwilling to use telehealth (37%). Further data on testing-related decision making and barriers will be presented. Conclusions: Biomarker testing in rural areas and urban clusters falls short of current guideline recommendations. Further exploration of rural biomarker testing practices and strategies to improve testing are needed.[Table: see text]


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (04) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Razafindrambinina ◽  
Aditi Dubey ◽  
Paul Ellis ◽  
Rachel Lamb ◽  
Shantam Ravan

The United States STEM workforce has yet to reflect the demographics of the larger population. This discrepancy begins at the base of the STEM pipeline with a significant lack of minority STEM K-12 teachers to serve as mentors and role models to minority students. Research has shown that minority students’ exposure to same-race teachers increased academic output and education attainment up to 32%. Unfortunately, minority teachers face a revolving-door effect: the cycle of increased recruitment countered by a high turnover amongst minority teachers compared to their white counterparts. Minority teachers who leave the profession consistently cite negative teaching environments, discrimination, and lack of support as the main drivers of their decision to quit teaching. The Maryland state legislature recently passed the Blueprint for Maryland’s Future Act, which attempts to address teacher recruitment and retention more comprehensively. Here, we go beyond the Blueprint’s baseline tools to recommend targeted strategies to recruit and retain minority STEM K-12 teachers in Maryland. Through the creation of a robust peer mentorship pipeline between new and experienced teachers, prioritization of school staff diversity and inclusion training, and the promotion of teacher autonomy, we will increase minority student education attainment and encourage the growth of a diverse STEM workforce in Maryland.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (04) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shelby Weaver ◽  
Zena Jensvold ◽  
Marie Fiori

The population of incarcerated people who menstruate in the Wisconsin correctional system has increased significantly over the last decade. Though necessary for the health and wellbeing of these individuals, menstrual products are not guaranteed at a reasonable cost throughout the Wisconsin correctional system, making them inaccessible, particularly to individuals from marginalized communities. The current system causes extreme physical and mental health problems, as many incarcerated individuals may go without these necessary products or attempt to make their own. Thirteen states have enacted legislation to provide menstrual products at no cost to citizens in prisons and jails. We advise that the Wisconsin State Legislature pass similar legislation that requires prisons and jails to provide free menstrual products to incarcerated Wisconsinites.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Amie J. Goodin ◽  
Debbie L. Wilson ◽  
Robert L. Cook ◽  
Yan Wang ◽  
Joshua Brown ◽  
...  

The Cannabis Clinical Outcomes Research Conference (CCORC) 2021 was held virtually on April 8 and 9, 2021. The conference was hosted by the Consortium for Medical Marijuana Clinical Outcomes Research, a research organization instituted by the state legislature of Florida in the United States. The inaugural annual CCORC 2021 was organized as a scientific meeting to foster and disseminate research on medical marijuana (MM) clinical outcomes, while promoting engagement among MM researchers, patients, clinicians, policymakers, and industry partners. Key conference themes included: (a) the disconnect between policy, practice, and evidence and steps towards reconciliation, (b) approaches to overcome common barriers to MM research, and (c) the use of focused translational approaches utilizing both mechanistic and clinical research methodology to tackle the complexities of MM outcomes. CCORC 2022 is planned for spring 2022 in Orlando, Florida, United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 346-382
Author(s):  
Aviel Menter

In Rucho v. Common Cause, the Supreme Court held that challenges to partisan gerrymanders presented a nonjusticiable political question. This decision threatened to discard decades of work by political scientists and other experts, who had developed a myriad of techniques designed to help the courts objectively and unambiguously identify excessively partisan district maps. Simulated redistricting promised to be one of the most effective of these techniques. Simulated redistricting algorithms are computer programs capable of generating thousands of election-district maps, each of which conforms to a set of permissible criteria determined by the relevant state legislature. By measuring the partisan lean of both the automatically generated maps and the map put forth by the state legislature, a court could determine how much of this partisan bias was attributable to the deliberate actions of the legislature, rather than the natural distribution of the state’s population.Rucho ended partisan gerrymandering challenges brought under the U.S. Constitution—but it need not close the book on simulated redistricting. Although originally developed to combat partisan gerrymanders, simulated redistricting algorithms can be repurposed to help courts identify intentional racial gerrymanders. Instead of measuring the partisan bias of automatically generated maps, these programs can gauge improper racial considerations evident in the legislature’s plan and demonstrate the discriminatory intent that produced such an outcome. As long as the redistricting process remains in the hands of state legislatures, there is a threat that constitutionally impermissible considerations will be employed when drawing district plans. Simulated redistricting provides a powerful tool with which courts can detect a hidden unconstitutional motive in the redistricting process.


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