scholarly journals Donald Trump and the Republican Party: The Making of a Faustian Bargain

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Kenneth White

Donald Trump’s presidency is likely to become what Stephen Skowronek once labeled as a “disjunctive presidency.”  Trump’s election in 2016 and the issue positions he has taken mark the end of the Reagan Era.  Just as Jimmy Carter’s one-term signaled the end of the New Deal era begun by Franklin D. Roosevelt, so, too, does Trump’s already troubled presidency signify the end of Reagan’s conservatism. Changing demographics have hastened the end of the Reagan era, and the next presidential contest is likely to be one that James David Barber called a “politics as conscience,” not a conflict election to which Trump was well-suited.  Trump’s victory, along with the end of the Reagan era, also signals a moment of significant danger for the Republican Party, despite the present unified GOP control of the federal government and recent gains that the party has made at the state and local levels.

1976 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 132
Author(s):  
Paul K. Conkin ◽  
John Braeman ◽  
Robert H. Bremner ◽  
David Brody

1976 ◽  
Vol 91 (1) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Arthur M. Schlesinger ◽  
John Braeman ◽  
Robert H. Bremner ◽  
David Brody

ILR Review ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (5) ◽  
pp. 1085-1102
Author(s):  
Janice Fine ◽  
Michael Piore ◽  

The articles in this volume grew out of a 2018 conference organized by the Rutgers School of Management and Labor Relations and Cornell University’s ILR School to address questions regarding labor regulation at lower levels of government. During the extended period that federal reform has been blocked, enormous activity has taken place at the state and local levels in terms of both the passage of new employment laws and regulations as well as their administration and enforcement. Drawn from the larger set of papers presented at that conference, these articles focus on specific dimensions of the puzzle. This introduction paints the broader picture suggested by the conference and papers taken as a whole. The move toward federalism as a strategy, particularly as an alternative to organizing through the NLRA, while promising, is so far limited because it focuses on the substance of labor regulation exclusively, in isolation from the procedures through which work regulation is promulgated and enforced. The most likely place to look for reforms that will give the new labor federalism institutional support and stability comparable to that of the New Deal collective bargaining regime at its apogee is in their implementation and enforcement.


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Ernst

In April 1938 New York's first constitutional convention since 1915 convened in Albany. When it adjourned in late August, one of the amendments slated for a referendum that fall was an “anti-bureaucracy clause,” a provision that would greatly increase the New York courts' oversight of the state's agencies. Although voters rejected it, contemporaries saw the anti-bureaucracy clause as a harbinger of a national campaign against the New Deal. In September 1938 Charles Wyzanski, a former member of the Solicitor General's office, warned Attorney General Homer Cummings that the anti-bureaucracy clause was “the advance signal of an approaching partisan attack on a national scale.” Wyzanski was right: in early 1939 a bill endorsed by the American Bar Association's House of Delegates was introduced in Congress by Representative Francis Walter and Senator Marvel Mills Logan. Just as the New York provision “would have almost certainly destroyed the effectiveness of the state administrative agencies,” the New Dealer Abe Feller warned Cummings's successor, so would the Walter-Logan bill hamstring the federal government. When President Franklin Roosevelt vetoed the bill in December 1940, he declared it part of a national campaign that had begun with the anti-bureaucracy clause.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 287
Author(s):  
Bruno Henz Biaseto

The American Conservative movement saw a huge rise following Reagan’s ascent to the residency. The Reagan Coalition managed to make the Republican Party the dominating force for almost thirty years, empowering certain social groups that supported its rise since its beginning, during the New Deal era. Following deep economic and social changes seen in the early 21st century, Barack Obama managed to craft a new political coalition, one that managed to end the Republican dominance. As the Democrats were able to craft a new coalition, the answer came in the rise of an authoritarian/populist right embodied by Donald Trump and the Tea Party. The goal of this essay is to understand this political process through the lens of American scholars, focusing on their analysis of how the rise and fall of the Reagan Revolution shaped the troubled political scenario seen in America today.


Author(s):  
Robert Mason

Against the backdrop of a dynamic and divisive intraparty debate about how best to recapture majority status, moderate Republicans identified a consensus posture as an electoral imperative, whereas conservatives advocated an anti-statist challenge to the principles on which consensus rested. These differences shaped Republican thinking on public policy during the Eisenhower era in particular; the administration’s agenda embodied the key assumptions of Godfrey Hodgson’s “ideology of the liberal consensus,” but still manifested significant differences with Democratic policies. Eisenhower prioritized fiscal conservatism, advocated state and local rather than federal solutions to socioeconomic problems, and critiqued New Deal liberalism as rooted in divisive group interest rather than oriented toward the public interest and social harmony. The Republican right, by contrast, contended that acceptance of the New Deal state threatened American freedoms and advocated deployment of superior military power to meet the external threat of Communism; the refusal of this faction—which initially represented a minority within the GOP—to embrace consensus laid the foundations for the conservative mobilization that would fundamentally reshape both the Republican party and American politics in the second half of the 1960s and beyond.


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