Job Satisfaction in Federal Structure - A Case of Bhojpur, Nepal

Purpose: The feelings that an employee have for the job is essential to be analyzed the job satisfaction level of government employees after implementation of federal state in the context of Bhojpur district of Nepal. Design/Methodology/Approach: The questionnaire was distributed to governmental employees via mail and direct distribution to respective offices of Bhojpur district with 93.8% of response rate. The data has been divided into local, provincial and federal categories and separately analyzed along with combined analysis too. Satisfaction level along with the factors of the same was accessed using SPSS for descriptive and inferential statistics. Findings/Result: Government employees from all tiers of government viz. local, provincial and federal are dissatisfied with present remuneration, benefit and employee adjustment process along with present organizational structure, wage policy, present work performance evaluation system and decision-making system in offices but satisfied with present leave system after promulgation of federal structure. Present job authority and position are acceptable level for employees working in all three tiers of government. Most crucial factor seems to be promotion and career growth rather than remuneration. Job training, working environment, team spirit and right work performance evaluation system seem to be major parameters for job satisfaction. Job location is temporary in nature which can be easily handled. Strong reservation on promotion and job rotation approach which is included in new federal structure by all tiers of government employees. Originality/Value: It is survey-based research to guide for amendment of present organizational structures and wage policy in new federal structure of Nepal. Paper Type: Survey based Policy Research

Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia: Reflecting on Diversity and Ethnic Identity

Ethiopia formed an ethnic federal system in 1991, which recognized ethnic autonomy entirely while ensuring the country’s unity. The new Constitution established a federal structure focused primarily on ethnic territorial units. The constitution ambitions to achieve ethnic freedom and equality by maintaining the state. Ethiopian politics has shifted to a federal liberal and plural system since the military dictatorship ended, as ethnic groups sought to exist under a federal structure that could preserve the country’s stability and diversity. The federal arrangement is noteworthy because its Constitution allows for the inheritance of every ethnic group. It supports an ethicised federal state with a secession mechanism and allows political parties to unite along ethnic lines. It is a worthwhile case study because it is an exception to the general trend in Africa. This paper examines how ethnic Federalism is a vital part of the Ethiopian Constitution and gives ethnic autonomy and identity in Ethiopian politics. Theoretical understanding of Federalism and ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia.

The Idea of the Ural Republic During the State Transformation of the Russian Federation

Introduction. The phenomenon of the Ural Republic in the context of the Russian Federation federal model of state structure formation in 1993 is studied. The process of the Russian federalism model development at this stage was complicated by a whole complex of problems and contradictions. The movement of the regional authorities in the Sverdlovsk region to create the Ural Republic in the context of the Russian post-Soviet model of the Federal structure is considered. Methods and materials. The archival materials of the Presidential Executive Office of Russia and state authorities of the Sverdlovsk region are the key sources of the research. The main group of materials for the article preparation consists of analytical notes reflecting the views of the current authorities on the nature of the state-territorial structure and fixing the expert and analytical view of the higher state authorities on the developing processes dynamics and the risks associated with them. Analysis. The process of the Ural Republic creation consisting of several stages is analyzed: forming an idea and holding a regional survey on equalizing the powers of the region with the republics; an attempt to offer its views on the federal structure at the Constitutional Assembly and to implement its achievements into the draft Constitution of the Russian Federation; the announcement of the Ural Republic creation by the leadership of the Sverdlovsk region, the establishment and protection of its position; abolition of the Ural Republic. Results. The Ural Republic phenomenon had some influence on the constitutional project development, but its elimination prevented not only the risks of so-called regional separatism, but also a potentially large state transformation, which consisted in the emergence of more independent regions, the formation of a new regional policy.

National Cadet Corps (NCC): Its Role in Integrating North Eastern Region (NER) with Mainstream India

To the North Eastern Region (NER) of India, lie the unexplored states of the Indian Union. This region holds a unique place in the federal structure of India. This article attempts to scrutinise the diversity of NER, along with the potential of the National Cadet Corps (NCC) as a medium to change, uplift and assimilate it with pan India. The article aims to comprehend how NER can accommodate the regional identities and cultural affinities with Indian mainstream identity through the intervention of NCC at college and university level. The methodology of this article is based on secondary resources such as published books, journals, web pages, reports, newspapers and online sources. The article is analytical and descriptive in nature based on thematic approach.

To THE matter OF THE FEDERAL STRUCTURE OF STATES

The issues of the federal structure of the state are always relevant due to their relevance in the next stage of state construction. Therefore, despite the long historical experience of this form of government, it is quite often given serious attention in scientific research. This article discusses some issues that reflect the problematic nature of the federal structure.

Interaction between the Center and the Regions during the Development of the Treaty of Federation in 1992

The article features the reforms of the federal structure in the 1990s and the development of the Treaty of Federation in 1992. It focuses on the practices of federal relations that appeared in the post-Soviet period both in terms of the interaction between the Federal Center and the regional elites and in the context of the classical federalism. The authors described the factors that hindered the signing of the Federal Treaty, as well as the resources the regional elite used to affect the Center. They revealed the opposite views on the concept of federal structure expressed by national and territorial subjects of the Russian Federation and described their attempts to reach a compromise in the redistribution of powers. The research objective was to determine to what degree the Center was responsible for the content of the Treaty of Federation as the regional self-identification was gaining strength and the system of center-regional interaction was changing. The authors also highlighted the role of certain social groups on the development of federal relations, showed how the actions of the Center improved its positions, and identified historical facts that predetermined the asymmetry of the Treaty of Federation. The authors believed that the new model of federal relations was a compromise between the interests of the regional elites and the central government. However, it also strengthened the positions of the Federal Center and legalized the asymmetric nature of its relations with the regions. The research was based on general scientific methods and such historical research tools as comparative and systematic methods. It also involved such interdisciplinary methods as the historical-legal and the comparative analysis of legal documents.

The Rise of the Panchayati Raj Institutions as the Third Tier in Indian Federalism: Where the Shoe Pinches

The idea of forming a two-tier federal structure in India gathered considerable momentum after the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League came together through a Pact in 1916. But the concept of the third tier which was mooted in the Constituent Assembly through the incorporation of panchayats in the Directive Principles of State Policy after detailed deliberation began receiving attention after the 73rd Amendment of the Constitution in 1992 which coincided with the paradigmatic shift in the policy of the Indian State. This Act signified in clear terms the intention of the State to strengthen the process of third tier federalism in India. This article seeks to critically examine the process of evolution of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) as a new tier in the Indian federal system, excluding the Fifth and Sixth Scheduled Areas. An attempt has also been made to analyse despite constitutionalisation of PRIs where the shoe still pinches and wherein lies the ray of hope.

The Uneven Geography of Tyranny

This chapter analyses the asymmetrical impact of the central policies on states. Federal structure and geographical distance meant that the spatial reach of these policies was not uniform. The arbitrary powers of the Emergency were a stronger presence in the Hindi belt than in the South, and in the states ruled by the Congress than in the holdouts. This was due to various factors such as the strengths and weaknesses of local Congresses vis-à-vis the opposition and the party at the centre; the strategies of state elites and bureaucracies; electoral considerations; factional competition; lobby influence; and the solipsism of the regime in Delhi. These were all determinants in the spread of the geography of tyranny which, on the whole, resulted in the Emergency being felt more strongly in the capital, its neighbouring states, and the Hindi belt than in states ruled by the opposition—the North East and South India.

Between the Devil and Lying Angels: An Invitation for a New Perspective on State Interference in Local Government Fiscal Autonomy in Nigeria

One of the most contested issues in Nigeria’s political landscape and federal structure is the debate on the fiscal autonomy of the Local Government as the third tier of government. The literature on the subject appears to zero down the issue of Local Government fiscal autonomy to a political ‘devil’. The position of existing scholarship on the subject concludes that by taking advantage of Sections 7 and 162 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, it is common practice for the State Governors to usurp the autonomy of the Local Governments. The Governors are also accused of using the Joint Account framework to control the statutory allocations of the Local Governments. Hence, Local Governments in Nigeria lacks fiscal autonomy which is one of the main principles of the three tiers of government structure. However, the underlying politics that has played out in the Fourth Republic in Nigeria reveals that this historical and legalistic perception does not provide a complete explanation of the problem. This is because the literature does not consider the role of the political elite at the Local Government level in sustaining the shrewd nature of State and Local Governments interaction in Nigeria’s Federal structure, rather the existing literature focused entirely on the governor as a ‘devil’ and ignores the role of the political class at the grassroots level as “lying angels”. This paper is therefore an invitation for a deeper theoretical deconstruction of this phenomenon to stimulate an encompassing and interesting perceptive on what we conceptualize as State-Local Government Interactions in Nigeria (SLIN). Our primary objective is to draw attention to the role of the personalities of the political class at the grassroots level which makes up the highest cadre of the hierarchy in the Local Government in shaping SLIN. We present a case that future debates should go beyond “devil” and also focus on the profound role of “lying angels”.

Between the Devil and Lying Angels: An Invitation for a New Perspective on State Interference in Local Government Fiscal Autonomy in Nigeria

One of the most contested issues in Nigeria’s political landscape and federal structure is the debate on the fiscal autonomy of the Local Government as the third tier of government. The literature on the subject appears to zero down the issue of Local Government fiscal autonomy to a political ‘devil’. The position of existing scholarship on the subject concludes that by taking advantage of Sections 7 and 162 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, it is common practice for the State Governors to usurp the autonomy of the Local Governments. The Governors are also accused of using the Joint Account framework to control the statutory allocations of the Local Governments. Hence, Local Governments in Nigeria lacks fiscal autonomy which is one of the main principles of the three tiers of government structure. However, the underlying politics that has played out in the Fourth Republic in Nigeria reveals that this historical and legalistic perception does not provide a complete explanation of the problem. This is because the literature does not consider the role of the political elite at the Local Government level in sustaining the shrewd nature of State and Local Governments interaction in Nigeria’s Federal structure, rather the existing literature focused entirely on the governor as a ‘devil’ and ignores the role of the political class at the grassroots level as “lying angels”. This paper is therefore an invitation for a deeper theoretical deconstruction of this phenomenon to stimulate an encompassing and interesting perceptive on what we conceptualize as State-Local Government Interactions in Nigeria (SLIN). Our primary objective is to draw attention to the role of the personalities of the political class at the grassroots level which makes up the highest cadre of the hierarchy in the Local Government in shaping SLIN. We present a case that future debates should go beyond “devil” and also focus on the profound role of “lying angels”.