Kosovo:Violence Continues Unabated: International Community Establishes “Observer Mission”

AbstractMore than 20 years after the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, the international community is concerned with taking stock of its implementation in countries undergoing transitions from war to peace. This article contributes to a better understanding of the dynamics involved in implementing the Women, Peace and Security agenda through a focus on the frictional interactions that take place between different actors promoting women's participation in the peace process in Mali. Based on extensive fieldwork in Bamako between 2017 and 2019, it analyses interactions between different international and local actors in the Malian peace process through a discussion of vertical (between international and local actors) and horizontal (between local actors) friction. It finds that the way different actors respond to friction shapes relationships and impacts norm trajectories by triggering feedback loops, which in turn trigger new responses and outcomes.

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World Peace and Gender Equality: Addressing UN Security Council Resolution 1325’s Weaknesses

Michigan Journal of Gender & Law ◽

10.36641/mjgl.27.2.world ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 247

Author(s):

Elizabeth Griffiths ◽

Sara Jarman ◽

Eric Jensen

Keyword(s):

United Nations ◽

Gender Equality ◽

Security Council ◽

International Community ◽

United Nations Security Council ◽

Security Council Resolution ◽

World Peace ◽

International Peace ◽

Peace And Security ◽

The United Nations

The year 2020 marks the twentieth anniversary of the passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution (“UNSCR”) 1325, the most important moment in the United Nations’ efforts to achieve world peace through gender equality. Over the past several decades, the international community has strengthened its focus on gender, including the relationship between gender and international peace and security. National governments and the United Nations have taken historic steps to elevate the role of women in governance and peacebuilding. The passage of UNSCR 1325 in 2000 foreshadowed what many hoped would be a transformational shift in international law and politics. However, the promise of gender equality has gone largely unrealized, despite the uncontroverted connection between treatment of women and the peacefulness of a nation. This Article argues for the first time that to achieve international peace and security through gender equality, the United Nations Security Council should transition its approach from making recommendations and suggestions to issuing mandatory requirements under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter. If the Security Council and the international community believe gender equality is the best indicator of sustainable peace, then the Security Council could make a finding under Article 39 with respect to ‘a threat to the peace’—States who continue to mistreat women and girls pose a threat to international peace and security. Such a finding would trigger the Security Council’s mandatory authority to direct States to take specific actions. In exercising its mandatory authority, the Security Council should organize, support, and train grassroots organizations and require States to do the same. It should further require States to produce a reviewable National Action Plan, detailing how each State will implement its responsibilities to achieve gender equality. The Security Council should also provide culturally sensitive oversight on domestic laws which may act as a restraint on true gender equality.

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El Tribunal Especial para el Líbano y la sentencia Hariri. ¿Justicia selectiva?

Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Internacional ◽

10.18847/1.14.7 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 7 (2) ◽

pp. 125-143

Author(s):

Berta Alam-Pérez

Keyword(s):

Security Council ◽

International Crime ◽

Criminal Code ◽

International Community ◽

Security Council Resolution ◽

Complex Relation ◽

The Subject ◽

Internal Division

The article analyses the complex relation between politics and justice in the international arena that is reflected in the Special Tribunal for Lebanon. The subject matters developed are its problematic establishment by means of Security Council resolution 1757 (2007) and its selective nature, as well as the legal-doctrinal dispute laid out in the Ayyash et al. case, also known as the Hariri case. It is stressed the importance of circumstantial factors, especially those triggered since 2004, with the aim to explain the internal division —with international protagonists— of the country into two blocks whose confrontation would serve as a pretext for starting-up a unique tribunal that would meet the interests of an international community captivated by the possibility of achieving a judicial terrorism sentence against Hizballah —and/or Syria— who was gathering momentum. The 2011 interlocutory decision of the Appeals Chamber seemed to reveal itself as a good omen in said direction when it stated the necessity to interpret the crime of terrorism established in article 314 of the Lebanese Criminal Code in accordance with an international crime of terrorism of customary nature. The revolutionary decision —together with the process that led to its publication— disclosed nevertheless, a certain hasty and opportunistic character, which the 2020 judgment finally rejected for being unnecessary and untrue. The article upholds that all the above has contributed to undermine the credibility of the Tribunal, which is a model of selective justice, and has demonstrated little deference towards the sovereignty of the Lebanese State.

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Renewed Civil War in Angola Prompts U.N. to Withdraw Peacekeepers After 10 Year Presence

Foreign Policy Bulletin ◽

10.1017/s1052703600002240 ◽

1999 ◽

Vol 10 (2) ◽

pp. 83-92

Keyword(s):

Civil War ◽

United Nations ◽

Security Council ◽

Present Report ◽

Peace Process ◽

Security Council Resolution ◽

Future Role ◽

Force Structure ◽

The Future ◽

The United Nations

The present report is submitted pur-suant to paragraph 13 of Security Council resolution 1213 (1998) of 3 December 1998, in which the Council, inter alia, requested me to submit a report no laterthan 15 January 1999 regarding the statusof the peace process, the future role andmandate of the United Nations in Angolaand the force structure of the United Nations Observer Mission in Angola(MONUA) in the light of its ability tocarry out its mandated tasks.

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Civilian Protection in Libya: Putting Coercion and Controversy Back into RtoP

Ethics & International Affairs ◽

10.1017/s0892679411000207 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 25 (3) ◽

pp. 255-262 ◽

Cited By ~ 20

Author(s):

Jennifer Welsh

Keyword(s):

Security Council ◽

International Politics ◽

International Community ◽

Security Council Resolution ◽

Crimes Against Humanity ◽

Host State ◽

Civilian Protection ◽

Short Period ◽

Resolution 1973

As noted by other contributors to this roundtable, the response of the international community to civilian deaths in Libya—and the threat of further mass atrocities—is unusual in two key respects. First, Security Council Resolution 1973 authorized “all necessary measures” to protect civilians without the consent of the “host” state. The Council's intentions, and actions, could not be interpreted as anything other than coercive. Second, in contrast to other crises involving alleged crimes against humanity (most notably Darfur), diplomacy produced a decisive response in a relatively short period of time. Both of these features suggest that many analysts of intervention (including myself) need to revise their previously pessimistic assessments of what is possible in contemporary international politics.

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