THE RACIAL UNCONSCIOUS OF ASSIMILATION THEORY1

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moon-Kie Jung

AbstractIn the past two decades, migration scholars have revised and revitalized assimilation theory to study the large and growing numbers of migrants from Latin America, Asia, and the Caribbean and their offspring in the United States. Neoclassical and segmented assimilation theories seek to make sense of the current wave of migration that differs in important ways from the last great wave at the turn of the twentieth century and to overcome the conceptual shortcomings of earlier theories of assimilation that it inspired. This article examines some of the central assumptions and arguments of the new theories. In particular, it undertakes a detailed critique of their treatment of race and finds that they variously engage in suspect comparisons to past migration from Europe; read out or misread the qualitatively different historical trajectories of European and non-European migrants; exclude native-born Blacks from the analysis; fail to conceptually account for the key changes that are purported to facilitate “assimilation”; import the dubious concept of the “underclass” to characterize poor urban Blacks and others; laud uncritically the “culture” of migrants; explicitly or implicitly advocate the “assimilation” of migrants; and discount the political potential of “oppositional culture.” Shifting the focus fromdifferencetoinequalityanddomination, the article concludes with a brief proposal for reorienting our theoretical approach, fromassimilationto thepolitics of national belonging.

1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-308
Author(s):  
Harold Molineu

During the past twenty years, the United States has been involved in three cases of armed intervention in Latin America: Guatemala in 1954, Cuba in 1961, and the Dominican Republic in 1965. In addition, there was the naval blockade and possibility of intervention in Cuba in 1962 during the missile crisis. Each of these episodes occurred in the Caribbean region (defined as including those areas either in or adjacent to the Caribbean Sea). There were no similar armed interventions elsewhere in Latin America during this period, and in fact, all of the incidents of United States armed intervention in the Twentieth Century have taken place in the Caribbean area. Therefore, in its actions in Latin America, the United States appears to distinguish between the Caribbean area and the rest of the continent. The Caribbean is treated as a special region where military intervention is apparently more justifiable than elsewhere in Latin America. Only in the area outside the Caribbean has Washington found it possible to abide by its inter-American treaty commitments to nonintervention.


Book Reviews: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, The Political Writings of Dr. Johnson, The Evolution of Dialectical Materialism, Marxism: A Re-Examination, The Political Thought of Harold J. Laski, Reason, Revolution and Political Theory, The Rise of Fascism, Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century, The Art of Conjecture, Economic Organizations and Social Systems, The Science of Society, Evolution and Society, The Sharing of Power in a Psychiatric Hospital, On the Theory of Social Change, The Crowd in History, 1730–1848, The Revolutionary Personality: Lenin, Trotsky, Gandhi, Progress and Revolution: A Study of the Issues of Our Age, Peasantry in Revolution, The Strategy of Civilian Defence: Non-Violent Resistance to Aggression, Ho Chi Minh on Revolution: Selected Writings, 1920–66, Beliefs in Society: The Problem of Ideology, Industrial Society: Three Essays on Ideology and Development, Political Representation and Elections in Britain, British Parliamentary Election Results 1950–1964, Elections in Britain, The Selectorate, Constituency Labour Parties in Britain, Anti-Semitism and the British Union of Fascists, Slave of the Lamp, From My Level, Nationalisation in British Industry, The Evolution of National Insurance in Great Britain, Social Purpose and Social Science, The Coming of the Welfare State, The Poor and the Poorest, Local Health and Welfare Services, Local Government in Crisis, Municipal Entertainment and the Arts in Greater London, Town Government in South East England, Central and Local Government, Royal Commission on Local Government, Public Administration in Northern Ireland, Politische Dimensionen Der Europaischen Gemein-Schaftsbildung, The East German Army, Parteielite Im Wandel, Die Politischen Parteien in Deutschland Nach 1945, Whither Germany?, The Russian Empire, 1801–1917, The Politics of the European Communist States, The Invention of the American Political Parties, Sectional Stress and Party Strength, Socialist Origins in the United States, History of American Socialisms, New Deal Mosaic. Roosevelt Confers with His National Emergency Council 1933–1936, Nationalism, The Canadian Political Nationality, Canada and the French-Canadian Question, The Future of Canadian Federalism, Public Opinion and Canadian Identity, The Progressive Party in Canada, Report of the Committee on Election Expenses (Canada) 1966, Revue Francaise De Sociologie: Numero Special 1966, Les Citoyens De Sudbury Et La Politique, The Democratic Revolution in the West Indies, The Politics of Conformity in Latin America, Government and Politics in Latin America, Latin America in World Politics, The United States and the Caribbean, Mexico and the Caribbean—Modern Latin America. Continent in Ferment, South America. Modern Latin America. Continent in Ferment, The Mexican Political System, Colombia: The Political Dimensions of Change, Latin America: Social Structures and Political Institutions, The Mexicans, The Modern Culture of Latin America: Society and the Artist, Political Forces in Latin America, Britain and Africa, African Tightrope, African Socialism, Senegal: A Study of French Assimilation Policy, Gabon: Nation-Building on the Ogooue, Tanzania: Party Transformation and Economic Development, The Political Organization of Unyamwezi, The Social Democratic Movement in Pre-War Japan, Socialist Parties in Postwar Japan, The Japanese Communist Movement, 1920–1966, West German Foreign Policy 1949–1963, The Evolution of Australian Foreign Policy 1938–1965, Australia, Britain and the E.E.C. 1961 to 1963, Sino-Soviet Relations, 1964–65

1968 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 454-502
Author(s):  
Norman P. Barry ◽  
R. N. Berki ◽  
W. H. Greenleaf ◽  
S. J. Woolf ◽  
Carl Slevin ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Onoso Imoagene

Chapter 4 examines why the Nigerian second generation in both the United States and Britain did not forge a reactive black ethnicity as predicted by segmented assimilation theory. It describes how blackness can be constructed to be ethnically diverse. The chapter details how the Nigerian second generation are forging a diasporic Nigerian ethnicity in the United States and Britain via two simultaneous processes required in identity formation: signaling difference from members of other groups and establishing similarity to determine the boundaries of group membership. I thoroughly discuss the cultural, moral and socioeconomic boundaries established by the Nigerian second generation to delineate ethnic parameters between themselves and their proximal host. I also explain why the second generation in Britain does not draw as sharp of a boundary between themselves and their proximal hosts compared to their U.S. counterparts.


Author(s):  
Onoso Imoagene

Chapter 2 shows how the proximal host is a crucial actor influencing how the second generation of Nigerian ancestry identify. How the presence of the proximal host affects identity formation among the black second generation is generally overlooked in segmented assimilation theory and is a key factor emphasized in beyond racialization theory. The chapter details how relations with the proximal host in childhood, particularly feelings of rejection and exclusion based on perceived physical and cultural differences, laid the foundation for developing a distinct ethnicity in adulthood. I discuss the responses of the proximal hosts in the United States and Britain to the Nigerian second generation when they were young. What was viewed as discriminatory responses by members of the proximal host by the Nigerian second generation fostered a feeling of being black but different among the Nigerian second generation. The tense relations between proximal hosts and the African second generation required the young Nigerian second generation to start the process of defining what being black meant to them and defining a diasporic ethnic identity differentiating them from their proximal hosts.


1991 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-16
Author(s):  
David Rymph ◽  
Linda Little

Washington, D.C., like many major cities in the U.S., has experienced a large influx of illegal immigrants in the past decade. Hundreds of thousands of Hispanics have entered the United States, many of them fleeing from the political violence in Guatemala and El Salvador. The Washington metropolitan area may have as many as 80,000 refugees from El Salvador alone.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172096235
Author(s):  
Daniel Rueda

The political-strategic approach is one of the most employed frameworks within the methodologically heterogeneous subfield of populism studies. In the last two decades, it has contributed to the analysis of populism both in Latin America and the United States and, more recently, in Western and Eastern Europe. That being said, a close inspection of its axioms and its conceptualization of the phenomenon shows that it is built on ill-conceived premises. This article intends to be a comprehensive critique of the approach that can contribute to the methodological progress of the field. It criticizes the three main dysfunctions of the approach: selective rationalism, leader-centrism, and normative bias.


2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 339-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Steinmetz

The widespread embrace of imperial terminology across the political spectrum during the past three years has not led to an increased level of conceptual or theoretical clarity around the word “empire.” There is also disagreement about whether the United States is itself an empire, and if so, what sort of empire it is; the determinants of its geopolitical stance; and the effects of “empire as a way of life” on the “metropole.” Using the United States and Germany in the past 200 years as empirical cases, this article proposes a set of historically embedded categories for distinguishing among different types of imperial practice. The central distinction contrasts territorial and nonterritorial types of modern empire, that is, colonialism versus imperialism. Against world-system theory, territorial and nonterritorial approaches have not typi-cally appeared in pure form but have been mixed together both in time and in the repertoire of individual metropolitan states. After developing these categories the second part of the article explores empire's determinants and its effects, again focusing on the German and U.S. cases but with forays into Portuguese and British imperialism. Supporters of overseas empire often couch their arguments in economic or strategic terms, and social theorists have followed suit in accepting these expressed motives as the “taproot of imperialism” (J. A. Hobson). But other factors have played an equally important role in shaping imperial practices, even pushing in directions that are economically and geopolitically counterproductive for the imperial power. Postcolonial theorists have rightly empha-sized the cultural and psychic processes at work in empire but have tended to ignore empire's effects on practices of economy and its regulation. Current U.S. imperialism abroad may not be a danger to capitalism per se or to America's overall political power, but it is threatening and remaking the domestic post-Fordist mode of social regulation.


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