scholarly journals TheChaeboland the US Military—Industrial Complex: Cold War Geopolitical Economy and South Korean Industrialization

2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 1160-1180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Glassman ◽  
Young-Jin Choi
Vulcan ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Alic

This paper makes three primary claims. First, the so-called military-industrial complex (MIC) has its roots in the United States during World War I, when the army and navy turned to private firms for design of aircraft, and not, as some analysts have proposed, in the latter part of the nineteenth century. Second, theMICtook on its current shape during the 1950s. President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s famous warning, in effect, expressed recognition of and perhaps something like dismay at his own creation. Finally, despite the broad shift in responsibility for design, development, and production of military systems from government to industry in the middle of the last century, the armed forces remain the dominant partner in theMICby reason of their control over the technical requirements that shape and constrain weapons system design. This leaves the defense industry a junior partner.


2003 ◽  
Vol 4 (9) ◽  
pp. 971-975 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonja Buckel ◽  
Jens Wissel

In response to the violence of the international system, “realist” approaches are flourishing. In the aftermath of “9/11”, gulf war No. 3, the challenge to the achievements of international law and the unchallengeable dominance of the US military-industrial complex, this is particularly noticeable. Theories which affirm an anarchical world without any international regulation, in which only the application of military power guarantees freedom and security are gaining credibility. This everyday understanding is also employed in Robert Kagan's essay. While “the Americans” exercise power in an anarchical international system, “the Europeans” aim for a post-historical paradise of peace and relative prosperity. The fuss about Kagan's essay can hardly be explained by a rich analysis of the current international situation, for it does not supply this. It is even more surprising that the superficial pattern of interpretation considers that the essay expresses a “fundamental truth of the international system,” which is only articulated once in ten years. But we want to argue that it is not about “truth,” but about the production and propagation of a hegemonic discourse. Accordingly Kagan must be perceived as what he is: the co-founder of the reactionary think tank “Project for a New American Century”; an intellectual belonging to the neo-conservative leadership structure, a group that pressed the ideological case for the war against Iraq.


Focaal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 2015 (73) ◽  
pp. 114-124
Author(s):  
Maria Theresia Starzmann

The practice of archaeologists and other heritage specialists to embed with the US military in Iraq has received critical attention from anthropologists. Scholars have highlighted the dire consequences of such a partnership for cultural heritage protection by invoking the imperialist dimension of archaeological knowledge production. While critical of state power and increasingly of militarized para-state actors like the self-proclaimed Islamic State, these accounts typically eclipse other forms of collaboration with non-state organizations, such as private military and security companies (PMSCs). Focusing on the central role of private contractors in the context of heritage missions in Iraq since 2003, I demonstrate that the war economy's exploitative regime in regions marked by violent conflict is intensified by the growth of the military-industrial complex on a global scale. Drawing on data from interviews conducted with archaeologists working in the Middle East, it becomes clear how archaeology and heritage work prop up the coloniality of power by tying cultural to economic forms of control.


1980 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-57
Author(s):  
William Sweet

This essay provides a political analysis of the historical and geographical factors causing the pendulum-like swings of US military policies between an “expensive” posture involving intense weapons development and procurement and a “cheap” posture characterized by dependence on regional allies, covert operations, and greater reliance on threats. These shifts are not adequately explained by balance of power politics, by the concept of military-industrial complex or Neo-Marxist theory, and therefore must also be explained in terms of US domestic pressures arising from specific political and geographical constituencies favoring increased military spending. In looking at the fundamental changes necessary for the US to move toward a sustained effort at detente and disarmament, the author calls for the creation of a socialist party based on a labor farm coalition, which would be able to offer prosperity without dependence on defense procurement or world domination.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas K. Duncan ◽  
Christopher J. Coyne

AbstractThis paper analyzes the “revolving door” phenomena in the military sector in the US. The revolving door refers to the back-and-forth movement of personnel between the government and private sector. We examine the structure of the revolving door and explain how its very nature leads to the perpetuation of the permanent war economy. This analysis yields several important implications. First, the dynamics of the revolving door shape the military-industrial complex in a way that serves the narrow interests of select elites rather than the broad interests of citizens. Second, because the perverse incentives are a product of the institutional structure of the US military sector, the negative consequences are also structural and cannot be solved by increased oversight.


2020 ◽  
pp. 40-44
Author(s):  
A. K. Nesterov

The article is devoted to one the most important sphere of modern American deterrence strategy — space environment. The paper presents the basic principles of US space strategy, as well as the country's main opponents in this area. Special attention is paid to the influence of space technology on the American deterrence strategy. Practical tools for implementing a containment strategy using space means are studied in detail. The author tries to forecast further ways of the development of the US military-industrial complex in the field of space and their impact on the international security system at the global and regional stage.


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