Review of Kirk & Baoill (2000): Language and Politics: Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland, and Scotland

2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-141
Author(s):  
Kevin McCafferty
1995 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 664-682 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil Collins

This paper provides an analytical framework within which to understand the contrasting way farmers' interests are aggregated and articulated in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The analysis draws on the dominant European literature on state-farmer relations which emphasizes the role of policy networks and explores whether the concepts of pluralism or corporatism best characterize policy making in the two states.


2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zahid Latif

Ireland is the third largest island in Europe and the twentieth largest island in the world, with an area of 86 576 km2; it has a total population of slightly under 6 million. It lies to the north-west of continental Europe and to the west of Great Britain. The Republic of Ireland covers five-sixths of the island; Northern Ireland, which is part of the United Kingdom, is in the north-east. Twenty-six of the 32 counties are in the Republic of Ireland, which has a population of 4.2 million, and its capital is Dublin. The other six counties are in Northern Ireland, which has a population of 1.75 million, and its capital is Belfast. In 1973 both parts of Ireland joined the European Economic Community. This article looks at psychiatry in the Republic of Ireland.


2017 ◽  
Vol 162 (5) ◽  
pp. 1275-1279
Author(s):  
P. J. Collins ◽  
Michael J. McMenamy ◽  
Julie McClintock ◽  
Paula Lagan-Tregaskis ◽  
Lorna McCabe ◽  
...  

Sexual Health ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Frankis ◽  
Paul Flowers ◽  
Lisa McDaid ◽  
Adam Bourne

Background This paper establishes the prevalence of chemsex drug use among men who have sex with men (MSM), the extent to which these drugs are used in a sexual context, as well as their associated behaviours and circumstances of use. Methods: Data from a cross-sectional, online survey of 2328 MSM recruited via gay sociosexual media in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland were analysed. Results: While almost half (48.8%) of participants had ever taken illicit drugs, lifetime chemsex drug use was less common (18.0%) and far fewer reported chemsex drug use in the last year (8.2%) or last 4 weeks (3.0%). Just over one-quarter (27.1%) of men who used chemsex drugs in the last year reported no sexualised drug use, but almost three-quarters (72.9%) did. Only 6.1% of the whole sample reported sexualised chemsex drug use in the last year. The odds of reporting chemsex in the last year were significantly higher for men aged 36–45 years (AOR = 1.96), single men (AOR = 1.83), men who were HIV positive (AOR = 4.01), men who report high-risk sex (AOR = 4.46), being fisted (AOR = 7.77) or had sex in exchange for goods other than money (AOR = 4.7) in the last year and men who reported an HIV test in the last 3 months (AOR = 1.53). Discussion: Only a small proportion of MSM in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland reported chemsex, and, for the first time, it is demonstrated that not all chemsex drug use was sexualised. Nevertheless, MSM who engage in chemsex (MWEC) reported substantial sexual risk inequalities. These novel findings highlight several opportunities for intervention, particularly around the multiple vulnerabilities of MWEC, opportunities for early identification of those most vulnerable to chemsex-related harm and the potential to develop a specialised responsive patient pathway.


2020 ◽  
pp. 186-201
Author(s):  
David Torrance

Many analysts of the politics of Northern Ireland have argued that there exists some form of ‘Ulster nationalism’, particularly among Ulster Unionists. After 1886, when Gladstone promised Home Rule for Ireland, Unionists fashioned an Ulster identity predicated on Protestantism and ‘loyalty’ to the British Crown. This was contrasted with the ‘disloyalty’ of Catholics in what would become the Republic of Ireland. This form of ‘nationalist unionism’ was more ethnic in character than the civic variety which existed in Scotland and Wales. It too contained contradictions, not least its suspicion of Westminster and paranoia as to the intentions of successive UK governments towards the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. At various points after 1921, some Ulster Unionists even toyed with the idea of Northern Ireland becoming a ‘Dominion’ (like the Irish Free State) or else pursuing some other form of ‘independence’ from the UK.


Author(s):  
John Coakley ◽  
Jennifer Todd

In an early ambitious attempt to resolve the Northern Ireland conflict in 1973–4, there emerged two key proposals that would radically change the form of Northern Ireland political institutions: power-sharing (rather than majority rule), and institutionalized links with the Republic of Ireland (rather than a ‘hard’ border). This chapter, centred on a witness seminar where several of those involved recorded their memories and interpretations, explores the thinking of officials—especially on the Irish side—as it evolved in the early 1970s. It also documents their changing views as they attempted to reach new new modes of accommodation with their British counterparts. It examines the process by which an innovative package was agreed in Sunningdale, England, in December 1973, and follows the challenging process of implementation of this package. This initiative was ultimately unsuccessful, as the new institutions collapsed in the face of determined unionist opposition in May 1974.


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