The political mediation of indigenous land conflicts in Argentina.

2018 ◽  
pp. 261-274
Author(s):  
M. vom Hau
Author(s):  
Stuart Kirsch

This chapter presents two affidavits submitted to the Inter-American Court. The first case was concerned with the negative consequences of Suriname’s refusal to recognize indigenous land rights, including the establishment of a nature reserve that become a de facto open-access zone on indigenous land. The second addressed problems associated with indigenous land tenure in Guyana under the Amerindian Act of 2006. Comparing the two cases allows the chapter to make several observations about the dynamics of short-term ethnographic research conducted for expert-witness reports. This includes the need to make affidavits legible to the three overlapping frames of the legal system, the communities seeking recognition of their rights, and anthropology. The chapter also considers the narrative choices in these affidavits, the political dilemmas of being an expert witness, and the compromises of short-term ethnography.


2020 ◽  
pp. 711-734
Author(s):  
Anthony Stocks ◽  
Manuela Ruiz Reyes ◽  
Carlos Andrés Rios-Franco

This paper presents the work of the WCS with the A'i Indigenous people in Colombia as part of a USAID-funded project between 2009 and 2011. The project had several dimensions that make it unusual. Unlike conventional “counter-mapping” attempts to represent Indigenous land claims as a counter to government representations, the project sought to create maps and analyses that represent prior land assignments to the A'i by the Colombian government itself. These land assignments were not supported by geo-referenced maps and, in the case of Indigenous “reserves” the original boundary markers were only known to the oldest of the A'i people. Analysis of forest cover in lands controlled by the A'i reveal that they are highly protective of forests; indeed their collective identity is strongly related to forest cover. The process described also illustrates the difficult position many Indigenous Amazonians face in an era of drug wars, uncontrolled colonization, and in the case of Colombia, the lack of follow-up to the political and social measures envisioned in the 1991 Constitution.


2021 ◽  
Vol 879 (1) ◽  
pp. 012013
Author(s):  
F Nurysyifa ◽  
Kaswanto ◽  
H Kartodihardjo

Abstract The current problems of the Upstream Citarum basin, particularly in the Cirasea Sub-Basin, are near related to economic factors and the low political position of the community. One of the reasons is the biophysical aspect, which influenced the erfpacht rights for Dutch and British plantation companies in the Agrarische Wet policy at the end of the 17th century. When Indonesia became independent, the Government had worked on environmental rehabilitation as well as dealing with land conflicts, but rehabilitation activities often failed to meet the primary needs of the community. Therefore, rehabilitation efforts in various programs often fail. The objective of this this study is to figure out the preferences of interests and motives from the government and other access authorities which ultimately affect the lives of other communities through the formulation of an environmental rehabilitation program. The approach is Bernstein Political Economy Analysis. The results show that political economy is be able to reveals the problem of erosion, which is always imposed on groups with a low political position compared to other groups who are more vital in reaching access. Even though the community has limitations in implementing environmentally-friendly agricultural practices. Moreover, the political economy can reveal the government’s interests behind the land rehabilitation program which often sided with big investors and even tended to repeat the pattern of conflicts in the colonial era. Therefore, erosion can be an important element in describing the conditions of poverty that occur in rural areas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua A. Basseches

The political mediation model explains movement policy outcomes ranging from complete failure to total success. However, the qualitative mechanisms through which political mediation occurs empirically remain understudied, especially as they relate to the content-specifying stages of the legislative process. Furthermore, while we know that political mediation is context dependent, key elements of what political context entails remain underspecified. This article addresses these gaps by tracing the influence of a coalition of social movement organizations (SMOs) seeking to simultaneously shape the content of two major climate bills in a progressive U.S. state where the climate movement enjoys a relatively favorable political context overall. Comparing the divergent trajectories and outcomes of the two bills illuminates the process of legislative buffering, which is conceptualized as an informal mechanism of political mediation. The comparative analysis also reveals situational elements of political context that can present additional hurdles movements must overcome to maximize their success.


Africa ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carola Lentz

The article traces the history of debates on land transfers in northern Ghana and discusses the ways in which African and European views on land tenure influenced and instrumentalized each other. Using the case of Nandom in the Upper West Region, I analyse how an expansionist group of Dagara farmers gained access to and legitimized control over land previously held by a group of Sisala hunters and farmers claiming to be the ‘first-comers’ to the area. Both groups acknowledge that the Sisala eventually transferred land to the Dagara immigrants, symbolically effected by the transmission of an earth-shrine stone. However, the Sisala interpret this historical event in terms of a ‘gift’, invoking the language of kinship and continued dependency, while the Dagara construe it in terms of a ‘purchase’, implicating exchange, equality and autonomy. These different perspectives, as well as colonial officials' ideas that land ownership was ultimately vested in the ancestors of the first-comer lineage and therefore ‘inalienable’, have shaped early disputes about the Nandom earth shrine and Dagara property rights. Competing conceptions of pre-colonial African land tenure continue to provide powerful arguments in current land conflicts, and shrinking land reserves as well as the political implications of landed property, in the context of decentralization policies, have exacerbated the debate on the ‘inalienability’ of land.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-140
Author(s):  
O V Tsvetkova

In the article the author offers to use the technology of political mediation in the settlement and the settlement of internal territorial conf lict in the political space of the Russian Federation. Special attention is given to latent internal ethno-territorial conf licts. This article assumes that the mediator in resolving this type of conf lict should be professional and non-professional mediator, using the elements of the technology of political mediation in the form of mediation, conciliation and arbitration.


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