scholarly journals The political economy of soil erosion in Cirasea sub basin, upstream Citarum basin

2021 ◽  
Vol 879 (1) ◽  
pp. 012013
Author(s):  
F Nurysyifa ◽  
Kaswanto ◽  
H Kartodihardjo
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Agricultural Practices ◽  
Rehabilitation Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Land Conflicts ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Environmental Rehabilitation ◽  
The Government

Abstract The current problems of the Upstream Citarum basin, particularly in the Cirasea Sub-Basin, are near related to economic factors and the low political position of the community. One of the reasons is the biophysical aspect, which influenced the erfpacht rights for Dutch and British plantation companies in the Agrarische Wet policy at the end of the 17th century. When Indonesia became independent, the Government had worked on environmental rehabilitation as well as dealing with land conflicts, but rehabilitation activities often failed to meet the primary needs of the community. Therefore, rehabilitation efforts in various programs often fail. The objective of this this study is to figure out the preferences of interests and motives from the government and other access authorities which ultimately affect the lives of other communities through the formulation of an environmental rehabilitation program. The approach is Bernstein Political Economy Analysis. The results show that political economy is be able to reveals the problem of erosion, which is always imposed on groups with a low political position compared to other groups who are more vital in reaching access. Even though the community has limitations in implementing environmentally-friendly agricultural practices. Moreover, the political economy can reveal the government’s interests behind the land rehabilitation program which often sided with big investors and even tended to repeat the pattern of conflicts in the colonial era. Therefore, erosion can be an important element in describing the conditions of poverty that occur in rural areas.

scholarly journals The Sociology of Agriculture in Transition: The Political Economy of Agriculture after Biotechnology

2010 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Pechlaner
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Agricultural Biotechnology ◽  
Agricultural Practices ◽  
Patent Infringement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Corporate Ownership ◽  
Seed Saving ◽  
Traditional Agricultural Practices ◽  
Sociology Of Agriculture

ABSTRACT Due to its particularities as a nature-based process, agriculture’s ‘exceptionalism’ to capitalist industrialization has garnered much debate. One of the more productive consequences of this debate has been the development of conceptual tools that account for its distinction from typical capital accumulation patterns, such as Goodman, Sorj and Wilkinson’s (1987) classic concepts of “appropriationism” and “substitutionism.” The advent of agricultural biotechnology is now testing the limits of even these more refined conceptualizations, however, as the technology’s associated proprietary framework is reorganizing many traditional agricultural practices. Drawing on empirical examples of biotechnology-induced change—e.g. restrictions on seed saving, grower contracts, and patent infringement lawsuits—this paper argues that there is a need for a new concept in political economy of agriculture theory, which I term “expropriationism.” This concept identifies several aspects of an agricultural reorganization premised on legal means to enhance capital accumulation and on separating corporate ownership from liability.

Pozycja ustrojowa Rady Ministrów w partyjnych projektach… Konstytucji Czwartej Rzeczypospolitej z lat 2004–2013

1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (301) ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
Marian Kallas
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Ruling Party

The article begins with a succinct characteristic of the political position of the Council of Ministers as determined by the Constitution of the Republic of Poland dated 2 April 1997. The next portion of the text discusses the constitutional program of the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość [PiS, Eng. Law and Justice] party in 2003. It is an introduction to presenting the suggested political position of the government in non-parliamentary party projects of the Constitution in the years 2004–2013 (five texts publically available). Particular attention was devoted to PiS drafts of the Basic Law of 2005 and 2010 as coming from the ruling party in the years 2005–2007 and again since 2015.

Conclusions

1998 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. W. Rostow
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Population Increase ◽  
The Political ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

I have tried in this book to summarize where the world economy has come from in the past three centuries and to set out the core of the agenda that lies before us as we face the century ahead. This century, for the first time since the mid-18th century, will come to be dominated by stagnant or falling populations. The conclusions at which I have arrived can usefully be divided in two parts: one relates to what can be called the political economy of the 21st century; the other relates to the links between the problem of the United States playing steadily the role of critical margin on the world scene and moving at home toward a solution to the multiple facets of the urban problem. As for the political economy of the 21st century, the following points relate both to U.S. domestic policy and U.S. policy within the OECD, APEC, OAS, and other relevant international organizations. There is a good chance that the economic rise of China and Asia as well as Latin America, plus the convergence of economic stagnation and population increase in Africa, will raise for a time the relative prices of food and industrial materials, as well as lead to an increase in expen ditures in support of the environment. This should occur in the early part of the next century, If corrective action is taken in the private markets and the political process, these strains on the supply side should diminish with the passage of time, the advance of science and innovation, and the progressively reduced rate of population increase. The government, the universities, the private sector, and the professions might soon place on their common agenda the delicate balance of maintaining full employment with stagnant or falling populations. The existing literature, which largely stems from the 1930s, is quite illuminating but inadequate. And the experience with stagnant or falling population in the the world economy during post-Industrial Revolution times is extremely limited. This is a subject best approached in the United States on a bipartisan basis, abroad as an international problem. It is much too serious to be dealt with, as it is at present, as a domestic political football.

The Nicaraguan Economy in the Medium Run

1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Gibson
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Medium Term ◽  
The Government ◽  
Year 2000 ◽  
Fortune Telling ◽  
Opposition Parties

What are the medium-term prospects for the Nicaraguan economy where, by medium term, we refer to the year 2000? The difficult task of fortune telling is made enormously more complicated by the political economy that was established in the country by the Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (FSLN) after the 1979 revolution in which they, with the aid of diverse social factions, overthrew the government of Anastasio Somoza Debayle. After more than a decade, the FSLN then handed over power, in mid-1990, to a coalition of opposition parties (the Union Nacional Opositora or UNO) headed by Violeta Chamorro. The 1990 election brought the first peaceful transfer of power in Nicaraguan history but, perhaps, represented more an abdication by the beleaguered Sandinistas than it did a sea change in the balance of class conflict.

Bigger than the Sound

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-127
Author(s):  
Tao Leigh Goffe
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Cultural Capital ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Sound System ◽  
Chinese Descent ◽  
Conditions Of Possibility ◽  
Retail Grocery

This essay examines the political economy of Caribbean cultural capital and the formation of reggae in Jamaica in the 1950s. Through study of the Afro-Asian intimacies and tensions embedded in the sound of preindependence Jamaica, the essay traces the birth of the “sound-system” to the networks of local small-retail grocery shops, ubiquitous across Jamaica, that were owned and operated by Jamaican Chinese shopkeepers and examines how they formed material infrastructures. In charting the hardwiring of speakers and how the sociality of the shop housed the production of a new sound, the essay argues that sonic innovation was derived from Afro-Jamaican servicepeople who returned from World War II with military technological expertise, which they applied to sound engineering, and from entrepreneurial guilds of Jamaican merchants and shopkeepers of Chinese, Afro-Chinese, and Indo-Chinese descent, who helped form the conditions of possibility for the production and global distribution of reggae. Thus the networks of Jamaican Chinese diasporic capital and talent, producing and performing, helped to engineer the electrical flows of reggae to rural areas and urban dancehall parties.

The political economy of Kenya

2020 ◽  
pp. xxiv-26
Author(s):  
Nic Cheeseman ◽  
Karuti Kanyinga ◽  
Gabrielle Lynch
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Ethnic Identities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Institutions ◽  
Class Relations ◽  
Formal Institutions ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Political Game

This chapter introduces the politics of Kenya by focusing on three identities and relationships that have animated its politics over the last 100 years: community, clientelism, and class. This stylized approach is not intended to downplay the importance of formal political and economic institutions. Instead, it is designed to emphasize the need to consider formal institutions in the context of their informal counterparts in order to understand continuity amidst change. Ethnic identities and clientelism have dominated much discussion of Kenyan politics and political economy. To this we add class relations—or what might more accurately be called the degree of elite cohesion—an issue that has often been overlooked, but which plays an important role in shaping the rules of the political game. The chapter analyzes these factors and uses them to explain the key developments in Kenyan politics from the colonial era to the present day.

Peru: the Political Economy of an Intermediate Regime

1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. V. K. Fitzgerald
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Capital ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intermediate Regime ◽  
Domestic Capital ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Made In

Any attempt to define the changes in the Peruvian political economy that have taken place since 1968 1 must be made in terms of the relationship between the state and domestic capital on the one hand and foreign capital on the other, and must offer an explanation of the way in which this military- controlled state has tended to replace the former and establish a new relationship with the latter. In particular, the confrontation between the government and foreign capital, and the significance of internal ownership reforms cannot be understood without reference to the development of Peruvian capitalism before 1968.

The political responsibility for Royal pardons in Belgium during the 19th century (1830–1900)

2007 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-178
Author(s):  
J. Monballyu
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Death Sentence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Opposite View ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Made In

AbstractIn Belgium, the Royal Prerogative of pardoning convicted criminals was legally embedded in the Constitution of 14th February, 1831. It allowed the King to reduce a sentence or to grant a discharge of a sentence given by a court. Any Royal decision to pardon had, however, to be countersigned by a member of the Government, who took on the political responsibility of the decision towards Parliament. In most cases, the task fell upon the Minister of Justice. During the 19th century, in both Houses of the Belgian Parliament, the Minister of Justice was repeatedly questioned about the way the prerogative of pardoning was exercised. This usually occurred when a death sentence had been commuted to a lesser sentence. In such cases, members of the Chamber of Representatives or of the Senate would ask for an explicit justification of a particular pardon. Only exceptionally would a Government Minister be challenged about the legality of a decision either granting or refusing a pardon. Because of the constitutional convention which prevents exposing directly the political position of the King, Jules d'Anethan (Minister of Justice 1843–1847) defended the Minister's right to refuse to give any reasons for a decision regarding a pardon. He only acknowledged Parliament's right to question a Minister about his general policy on pardons. In his view, it was not within Parliament's powers to ask a Minister of Justice why a pardon had been granted or refused in a specific case. That view tended to limit considerably a Minister's responsibility for Royal pardons: it became no more than an empty shell. Another Minister of Justice, Théophile De Lantsheere (1871–1878), took an opposite view. He refused to state his general policy on pardons, but he accepted to explain the specific reasons why a Royal decision granting or refusing a pardon had been made. In his view, a pardon was in the first place a matter for the Minister's conscience. Parliament was therefore entitled to assess his particular actions. However, in the line of his predecessors' and successors' view, he believed that the reasons why the King had insisted on a pardon or refused to grant a pardon should not be mentioned to Parliament. Pardon was an issue between King and Government, not between King and Parliament. As the saying goes in Belgian constitutional law: The Crown should never be laid 'bare'.

scholarly journals POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ITS IMPACT ON INTERNATIONAL TRADE

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 651-660 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rabiul Islam ◽  
Ahmad Bashawir Abdul Ghani ◽  
Muhammad Fuad Othman ◽  
Laila Suriya Ahmad Apandi
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
International Market ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Market ◽  
Export Trade ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Import Quotas

Purpose of the study: The aim of this study was to relate the political economy and its impact on trade and development of economy. One of the currently witnessed changes that strike out the most from previous years is the relatedness of each political economy aspect of the world. The dimension of economy can be found in different problems throughout the world and economy has become the most prioritized aspect in the 21st century. Methodology: The data for this study were obtained from existing literatures on political economy and trade as well. The methodology heavily relied on the existing previous literatures on the subject being dealt with. Results: The findings indicated that the government could decide to intervene in markets with the intention of limiting import or maximizing export. Trade barriers might be applied for the intention of limiting imports such as tariffs, import quotas, native gratified necessities, directorial strategies, and anti-dumping policies. Implications: Protectionist policies are being implemented by country by the means of protecting the local market from international market that might risk the industries inside the nation and might resulted in the depletion of the nation’s sovereignty rate. Protectionist policy can be considered as a barrier towards trade but is essential for the long run local industry.

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