scholarly journals The Mule Train – Adult learning and the Poor People’s Campaign 1968

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Hamilton
Author(s):  
Sylvie Laurent

This chapter questions the implications of King’s new class-based coalition. It casts the Poor People’s Campaign as a crucial hinge in creating a possible link between the civil rights movement, the labor movement, black nationalists who endorsed Marxism, the Chicano movements, the Welfare Rights movements (in which women played a critical role), poor whites organizations and the peace movement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 441-451
Author(s):  
Ralph Callebert ◽  
Raji Singh Soni

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-55
Author(s):  
Abdulrahman Essa Al Lily ◽  
Ahmed Ali Alhazmi

Poverty is discussed here from pedagogical and therefore instructional perspectives. It is analyzed in novel ways, seeing charities as environments wherein adult learning occurs. Charities are shown as overlooked “adult learning institutions” that “instruct” the poor by conveying to them (indirectly through the type of aid offered and the conditions for obtaining aid) by using three ideologies of poverty: ontological, epistemological, and axiological. Ideology 1 presents poverty as an ontological (tangible) matter of limited (real or digital) resources—some of the tangibly poor have access to the Internet (to unlimited digital resources), being digitally nonpoor but tangibly poor. Ideology 2 portrays poverty as an epistemological (cognitive) issue of limited abilities—some poor people (with access to the Internet and therefore to unlimited, free-of-charge learning opportunities) have exploited these opportunities to gain skills. Ideology 3 paints poverty as an axiological (value-based) lack of valuing poverty—although some poor people have positive attitudes towards poverty, their access to the Internet (to the lifestyle of the wealthy) has made them reconsider their attitudes. Being influenced by these ideologies, the poor perceive poverty (a) as limited resources and therefore as external to them, thereby feeling disempowered; (b) as limited skills and thus as internal to them, therefore feeling empowered; or (c) as a positive value and accordingly take no action. Previous works discuss the potential of adult learning to break the cycle of poverty, whereas this article demonstrates that adult learning can encourage individuals to remain poor and value their status of being poor.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 370-376
Author(s):  
Lisbeth Bamberger Schorr

Child advocates share many goals with pediatricians. All of us, regardless of the perspective from which we approach the familiar issues, are dedicated to finding ways of improving the life and health of children. While the rhythm of the advocate's rhetoric and the cycle of our daily activities may differ from that of the health professional who works with and for children, most of us share a vision of a better world. Our efforts are informed and enriched by exposure to each other's views. None of us can afford to be doctrinaire; all of us must remain ready to look, case by case, issue by issue, at what is best for children and families. The Children's Defense Fund is a child advocacy organization that grew out of the civil rights movement, the poor people's campaign of the 1960s, and a variety of efforts undertaken during that period to narrow the gap between federal promise and performance as it affected less fortunate people in our society. By the early 1970s, there was increasing evidence that the problems faced by the poor and the Blacks were not as isolated as they had seemed. Marian Wright Edelman, who heads the Children's Defense Fund, and had been organizing through the South during the mid-Sixties, said at the time that "the problems that I thought were Mississippi poor and Black, turn out to be problems of children in Maine, Iowa and Beverly Hills." The Children's Defense Fund was created to provide long-range, systematic advocacy for all children in the fields of health, education, juvenile justice, the handicapped, foster care, day care and child development.


2019 ◽  
pp. 219-248
Author(s):  
Lorena Oropeza

The massive news coverage of the Tierra Amarilla Courthouse Raid catapulted Reies López Tijerina to the national civil rights stage almost instantly but only briefly. In the wake of the raid, Chicano movement participants felt empowered by his insistence that Spanish-speakers had a historic claim to the American Southwest. Soon he enjoyed invitations from Martin Luther King, Jr. to participate in the 1968 Poor People’s Campaign. For a short while, he also benefited from the advice of Maria Varela, a veteran civil rights activist. Yet in D.C. during the Poor People’s Campaign, the glare of publicity also exposed his autocratic tendencies and massive ego. Thrilled by the post-raid attention, Tijerina’s aspirations only grew. He eagerly spoke of moving beyond the land-rights agenda of the the Alianza Federal de Mercedes, the organization he had led since 1963.


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