scholarly journals Urban infrastructure in the framework of mega-event exceptionalism: Glasgow and the 2014 Commonwealth Games

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Gogishvili David
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-46
Author(s):  
Hilary K. N. BAMA ◽  
◽  
Tembi M. TICHAAWA ◽  

This study considered the urban infrastructure legacy impacts of mega-events in the Global South with a specific focus on South Africa’s 2010 stadia. By way of multiple case studies, undertaken in 2010 FIFA World Cup stadia in host cities Cape Town, Durban and Port Elizabeth, and applying a mixed-method approach, n=1120 urban residents living within a 2-km radius were surveyed in addition to interviews with key resource persons. The empirical findings indicate the existence of significant statistical differences in the perceptions of the urban residents and other stakeholder groups regarding the sustainability precepts that accompany the construction of stadia associated with the long-term urban infrastructure legacy implications. While the urban residents and the key resource persons agreed that the stadia had the potential to attract positive urban infrastructure legacy outcomes to their communities, one of the critical observations noted was the agreement that the costs associated with the maintenance and operations of these stadia were currently enormous, posing significant sustainability challenges and contentions. The study provides fresh insights into long-term mega-event urban infrastructure legacy impact assessment from a developing country perspective with innovative planning and strategy implications.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-62
Author(s):  
Musa Gumede ◽  
Vusi Mazibuko ◽  
Pumela Msweli

The Commonwealth Games Federation recently awarded the hosting of the 2022 Games to Durban, South Africa. This will be the first time the Games are hosted in the African continent. The paper looks into whether tangible benefits for hosting mega-events are less or more important than intangible benefits. In investigating this issue, the paper takes a political geography theoretical stance for its ability to provide normative ideological content for explaining intangible and tangible values for hosting Commonwealth Games. The paper looks at pros and cons for investing in mega-event infrastructure and also looks at the cost of hosting the Games for cities. The 2010 Commonwealth Games in Delhi budgeted $240 million for the entire Games, but the actual costs after the Games were found to be $1.7 billion. Similarly, in 2014 Glasgow, the cost of the Games was calculated at £575 million ($690 million). The paper looks at whether South Africa as the 2022 Commonwealth Games host can afford the games. It also considers the impact of the Games on national identity, national pride and patriotism here identified as novelty values that preserve social cohesion, a social attribute that has to be in place to build a robust economy. The paper concludes by noting that the success of the Games will depend on deliberate investment in catalytic facilities in areas that will be sustained post event. The amount of novelty value generated out of the Commonwealth Games will depend on how successful the Games are and on how the communities are able to interact with the facilities post event.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eilidh H.R. Macrae

Voluntary sports clubs (VSCs) provide the primary opportunities for organized community sport in the UK and thus hold the responsibility for delivering on mega-event sports participation legacies. This study presents findings from open-ended questionnaires and interviews conducted in two phases (Phase 1—Spring, 2013; Phase 2—Summer, 2015) with representatives from a sample (n = 39) of VSCs to understand their ability to deliver on the participation legacy goals of London 2012 and the 2014 Commonwealth Games in Glasgow. Thematic analysis of the data outlined three themes where support for VSCs should be placed when planning future mega-events: building VSC capacity, retaining members in the long-term, and promoting general visibility of the VSC throughout the event. Bid teams who hope to use mega-events as catalysts for sports participation increases should direct funding and guidance toward VSCs to ensure they have the tools, knowledge, and capacity to deliver on national sports participation ambitions.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (23) ◽  
pp. 39-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley Gunter

AbstractThe hosting of mega events in the Global South has become a symbol of prestige and national pride. From the hosting of international mega events such as the world cup, to regional events like the Commonwealth Games, developing nations are hosting mega events frequently and on a massive scale. Often used as a justification for this escapade in hosting a mega event is the purposed infrastructural legacy that will remain after the event. From the bid documents of the London Olympics to the Delhi Common Wealth Games, the pretext of infrastructural legacy is cited as a legitimate reason for spending the billions of dollars needed for hosting the event. This paper looks at this justification in the context of the All Africa Games which was hosted in Johannesburg, South Africa in 1999. It examines how the legacy infrastructure from this event has been utilised as a social housing development and how the billions of dollars spent on the infrastructural legacy of the games has been used by local residence of the city. The vast majority of the current residence of the All Africa Games Athletes’ Village have little recollection of the Games and do not feel that the housing stock they have received is of significantly better quality than that of other social housing. This points to the contentious claim that developmental infrastructure built through hosting a mega event is of superior quality or brings greater benefit to the end users. That is not to say that hosting a mega event does not have benefits; however, the claim of development through hosting, in the case of Johannesburg, seems disingenuous.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 51-54
Author(s):  
Jay B Thakar ◽  
◽  
Vinesh Agrawal

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-135
Author(s):  
Tatiana S. Minaeva ◽  
Sergey S. Gulyaev

Introduction. The organization of transport links and the bridge building in cities located on the banks of wide rivers has always been one of the most important tasks of the local administration. The study of the history of bridge building allows not only to trace the process of modernization of different regions of the country, but also to help in solving similar problems of our time. Nevertheless, the history of Russian bridge building is poorly studied. The purpose of the article is to determine the characteristics and features of the organization of bridge building in big cities of the European North of Russia as a way to solve one of the problems of urban infrastructure in the early XX century. Materials and Methods. The sources for this study are the documents of the State archive of the Arkhangelsk region, published documents on the history of Vologda, articles in the local periodicals of the early XX century. The analysis of the studied problem used a systematic approach, the method of economic analysis, historical and historical-comparative methods. Results and Discussion. The building of permanent bridges was a need for the development of Arkhangelsk and Vologda. In Vologda the two wooden bridges were built in the middle of XIX century on city funds and in the future these bridges were repaired or rebuilt. The Arkhangelsk city authorities did not hurry to solve a problem of city infrastructure by own efforts and a long time they used the floating bridge. The lack of experience in the building of large bridges and the desire to save money led to the rapid destruction of the first permanent bridge in Arkhangelsk. Conclusion. The Development of trade and industry in cities of the European North of Russia, such as Arkhangelsk and Vologda, led to the expansion of their territory and the emergence over time, the so-called third parts of the cities. Despite the comparable size of the population of the districts located across the river, the process of connecting them with bridges to the rest of the city went at different rates, which depended on the attitude of the local administration to the problem of urban infrastructure.


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