Cultural Politics, the Schools, and the State Humanities Councils

1986 ◽  
Vol 87 (3) ◽  
pp. 28-31
Author(s):  
Steven Weiland
Keyword(s):  
2007 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Poynting ◽  
Victoria Mason

This article compares the rise of anti-Muslim racism in Britain and Australia, from 1989 to 2001, as a foundation for assessing the extent to which the upsurge of Islamophobia after 11 September was a development of existing patterns of racism in these two countries. The respective histories of immigration and settlement by Muslim populations are outlined, along with the relevant immigration and ‘ethnic affairs’ policies and the resulting demographics. The article traces the ideologies of xenophobia that developed in Britain and Australia over this period. It records a transition from anti-Asian and anti-Arab racism to anti-Muslim racism, reflected in and responding to changes in the identities and cultural politics of the minority communities. It outlines instances of the racial and ethnic targeting by the state of the ethnic and religious minorities concerned, and postulates a causal relationship between this and the shifting patterns of acts of racial hatred, vilification and discrimination.


2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet C. Sturgeon

In 2003, the poverty alleviation bureau in Xishuangbanna, China, introduced tea and rubber as cash crops to raise the incomes of ethnic-minority farmers who were thought to be backward and unfamiliar with markets. Using Marx's commodity fetish and Polly Hill's critique of “cash crops”, this paper analyses the cultural politics of ethnicity for Akha and Dai farmers in relation to tea and rubber. When the prefecture government introduces “cash crops”, the state retains its authority as the dispenser of knowledge, crops and modernity. When tea and rubber become commodities, however, some of the symbolic value of the commodity seems to stick to farmers, making rubber farmers “modern” and tea farmers “ethnic” in new ways. Through rising incomes and enhanced identities, Akha and Dai farmers unsettle stereotypes of themselves as “backward”. As a result of income levels matching those of urban middle-class residents, rubber farmers even challenge the prevalent social hierarchy.


Focaal ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 2006 (47) ◽  
pp. 141-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Dawson

This article describes the recent Sydney riots and the commentary surrounding them. The author demonstrates how, through processes of ‘analytical et nic cleansing’, ‘ethnic homogenization and specification’, and ‘blame displacement’, the Lebanese Muslim community, a target of the initial rioters, came to be victimized in commentary on the riots. While the riots may not have been particularly significant in themselves, the commentary surrounding them provides an important window onto the state of cultural politics in Australia at a specific juncture in time when multi-culturalism is simultaneously hegemonic but subject to attack from Australia’s ruling federal political regime. The author claims, moreover, that the victimization of Lebanese Muslims is indicative of a particular current process in which a discourse of multi-culturalism, engendered largely by its liberal advocates and drawing on the scholarly works of anthropologists and other social scientists, is utilized to undermine multi-culturalism as a form of social policy and organization.


2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Edgar Pieterse

Neste artigo assume-se que a condição urbana contemporânea está fortemente marcada por uma crescente pluralidade. Associada a esta mudança na natureza do contexto urbano, pode-se também observar a proliferação de lugares (sites) de engajamento político e de ação, sendo alguns deles formalmente ligados a fóruns institucionais do Estado, mas muitos outros podem ser caracterizados pela sua insistência em permanecer fora do Estado, uma forma de afirmar autonomia e clamar por termos próprios de reconhecimento e formas de agir. O artigo chama a atenção para o significado de uma categoria de atores urbanos – hip-hoppers – que ocupa uma posição “marginal” na relação com o Estado, mas que é muito relevante para a existência marginalizada da maior parte da juventude negra nas cidades do sul global, particularmente no Rio de Janeiro e na Cidade do Cabo. O artigo demonstra que as culturas hip hop oferecem uma poderosa estrutura de interpretação e resposta para a juventude pobre que sofre sistematicamente o impacto de forças urbanas extremamente violentas e exploradoras. A base do poder do hip hop (e congêneres) é sua complexa sensibilidade estética, que funde valores afetivos – como o desejo, a paixão e o prazer, mas também a ira e a crítica –, que por sua vez se traduzem em identidades políticas e às vezes em ação (ou seja, posicionamento) para seus participantes. Em última instância, o artigo procura associar o potencial da cultura política do hip hop a temas acadêmicos mais amplos, tais como participação, espaço público, cidadania e segurança.Palavras-chave: hip hop; política cultural; violência urbana; exclusão/ inclusão urbana; registros afetivos. Abstract: It is assumed in the paper that the contemporary urban condition is marked by an increased pluralistic intensity in cities. Coupled to this shift in the nature of the urban context, one can also observe a proliferation of sites of political engagement and agency, some of which are formally tied to the various institutional forums of the state, and many that are defined by their insistence to stand apart from the state, asserting autonomy and clamoring for a self-defined terms of recognition and agency. This paper draws attention to the significance of one category of urban actors – hip-hoppers – that can be said to occupy a “marginal” location in relation to the state but uniquely relevant to the marginalized existence of most poor black youth in cities of the global South, particularly Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town. The paper demonstrates that hip hop cultures offer a powerful framework of interpretation and response for poor youth who are systemically caught at the receiving end of extremely violent and exploitative urban forces. The basis of hip hop’s power is its complex aesthetical sensibility that fuses affective registers such as rage, passion, lust, critique, pleasure, desire, which in turn translates into political identities, and sometimes agency (i.e. positionality), for its participants. In the final instance, the paper tries to link conclusions about the potential of hip hop cultural politics to larger academic themes such as participation, public space, citizenship and security.Keywords: hip hop; cultural politics; urban violence; urban exclusion/inclusion; affective registers.


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