scholarly journals Culturas da juventude e a mediação da exclusão/inclusão racial e urbana no Brasil e na África do Sul

2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Edgar Pieterse

Neste artigo assume-se que a condição urbana contemporânea está fortemente marcada por uma crescente pluralidade. Associada a esta mudança na natureza do contexto urbano, pode-se também observar a proliferação de lugares (sites) de engajamento político e de ação, sendo alguns deles formalmente ligados a fóruns institucionais do Estado, mas muitos outros podem ser caracterizados pela sua insistência em permanecer fora do Estado, uma forma de afirmar autonomia e clamar por termos próprios de reconhecimento e formas de agir. O artigo chama a atenção para o significado de uma categoria de atores urbanos – hip-hoppers – que ocupa uma posição “marginal” na relação com o Estado, mas que é muito relevante para a existência marginalizada da maior parte da juventude negra nas cidades do sul global, particularmente no Rio de Janeiro e na Cidade do Cabo. O artigo demonstra que as culturas hip hop oferecem uma poderosa estrutura de interpretação e resposta para a juventude pobre que sofre sistematicamente o impacto de forças urbanas extremamente violentas e exploradoras. A base do poder do hip hop (e congêneres) é sua complexa sensibilidade estética, que funde valores afetivos – como o desejo, a paixão e o prazer, mas também a ira e a crítica –, que por sua vez se traduzem em identidades políticas e às vezes em ação (ou seja, posicionamento) para seus participantes. Em última instância, o artigo procura associar o potencial da cultura política do hip hop a temas acadêmicos mais amplos, tais como participação, espaço público, cidadania e segurança.Palavras-chave: hip hop; política cultural; violência urbana; exclusão/ inclusão urbana; registros afetivos. Abstract: It is assumed in the paper that the contemporary urban condition is marked by an increased pluralistic intensity in cities. Coupled to this shift in the nature of the urban context, one can also observe a proliferation of sites of political engagement and agency, some of which are formally tied to the various institutional forums of the state, and many that are defined by their insistence to stand apart from the state, asserting autonomy and clamoring for a self-defined terms of recognition and agency. This paper draws attention to the significance of one category of urban actors – hip-hoppers – that can be said to occupy a “marginal” location in relation to the state but uniquely relevant to the marginalized existence of most poor black youth in cities of the global South, particularly Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town. The paper demonstrates that hip hop cultures offer a powerful framework of interpretation and response for poor youth who are systemically caught at the receiving end of extremely violent and exploitative urban forces. The basis of hip hop’s power is its complex aesthetical sensibility that fuses affective registers such as rage, passion, lust, critique, pleasure, desire, which in turn translates into political identities, and sometimes agency (i.e. positionality), for its participants. In the final instance, the paper tries to link conclusions about the potential of hip hop cultural politics to larger academic themes such as participation, public space, citizenship and security.Keywords: hip hop; cultural politics; urban violence; urban exclusion/inclusion; affective registers.

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Caldas Montes ◽  
Solimar de Pinho Bernabé

PurposeRio de Janeiro has a high tourism potential, and it is the only Brazilian city among the 100 most visited in the world. However, the National Confederation of Commerce of Goods, Services and Tourism estimates that from the total loss of revenue from tourism activities of the State of Rio de Janeiro in 2017, approximately 29 percent of this loss can be attributed to increased violence in the State. Thus, this study aims to estimate the impact of violence on tourist arrivals to Rio de Janeiro.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis is based on a sample of tourist arrivals to Rio de Janeiro from 51 countries, for the period between 2003 and 2016. Violence is represented by violent deaths in the State of Rio de Janeiro as well as in the capital. The estimates are based on panel data methodology. This study reports fixed-effect estimates as well as dynamic panel data estimates obtained through S-GMM. The study runs regressions for the full sample and also for two other samples: one with tourists coming from developed countries and another with tourists from developing countries.FindingsThe results reveal that violence negatively impacts tourism to Rio, and it shows that tourists from developed countries are more affected by violence than tourists from developing countries. The findings indicate that for each violent death in the capital of Rio de Janeiro, almost four tourists from developed countries and approximately three tourists from developing countries quit going to Rio de Janeiro.Originality/valueThe paper is one of the few to investigate the impacts of urban violence on tourism. The paper provides two contributions. First, it addresses the effect of violent deaths on tourism, bringing evidence to a destination with a high tourism potential, but which suffers from urban violence. Second, the study is the first to investigate whether this relation is different for tourists from countries with distinct levels of development (and thus with different levels of violence).Peer reviewThe peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-09-2019-0590


Revista Prumo ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 42-53
Author(s):  
Ariane Rego de Paiva ◽  
Roberta Gomes Thomé

This work presents a problematization about the local integration of refugees as one of the lasting solutions proposed by the UNHCR and the present challenges for the consolidation of policies of social protection for this segment in the state of Rio de Janeiro. This study was made through the bibliographic analisis and systematization of a workshop about the thematics carried with governamental and non-governamental agents and leaderships in the refugee population in the occasion of the seminar Mobility Crossroads: knowledge and practices in protection policies for refugee populations and migrants in vulnerable situation, which occurred in November 2017, organized by Cátedra Sérgio Vieira de Mello of PUC-Rio.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 580-596
Author(s):  
Vinicius Mariano De Carvalho

This text is a hermeneutic exercise about one of the paradigmatic works of Vinicius de Moraes, Orfeu da Conceição. This plays opens a partnership between the poet and the composer Antonio Carlos Jobim, which was fruitful and unique for Brazilian arts. Orfeu da Conceição is also paradigmatic because it is the first work to bring black actors to the stages of the Municipal Theater of Rio de Janeiro. Orfeu da Conceição led to one of the films that most contributed, positively or negatively, to the international image of Brazil in the second half of the 20th century, the award-winning Orpheus Negro, by Marcel Camus. The text will notice how many of the ideas and representations of the favela were already visible in the Brazilian popular repertoire prior to the composition of the play. The idea, in general, is to observe how, in addition to its poetic-musical quality, Orfeu da Conceição can also serve as a reflection on how we represent and see favelas in the urban context, both in 1956 and today.


Author(s):  
Laeticia Jensen Eble
Keyword(s):  
Hip Hop ◽  

Em um texto intitulado O herói anti-herói e o anti-herói anônimo, que escreveu em 1968, Hélio Oiticica justifica a criação de uma série dos bólides-caixa, que produziu entre 1965 e 1966, inspirado pela famosa história de perseguição ao bandido Cara de Cavalo. Entre outras atividades, Cara de Cavalo gerenciava o jogo do bicho no Rio de Janeiro. Em uma emboscada da polícia, em meio a um tiroteio, conseguiu escapar, mas matou o detetive Le Cocq, que integrava o Esquadrão da Morte. Após esseevento, toda a polícia e a imprensa do Rio de Janeiro mobilizaram-se em perseguição a Cara de Cavalo, que virou inimigo no 1 da cidade. Após cerca de um mês, e depois de inocentes terem sido mortos ao serem confundidos com o bandido, Cara de Cavalo foi encontrado em 3 de outubro de 1964, e morto com mais de 120 tiros.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
David Jenkins ◽  
Lipin Ram

Public space is often understood as an important ‘node’ of the public sphere. Typically, theorists of public space argue that it is through the trust, civility and openness to others which citizens cultivate within a democracy’s public spaces, that they learn how to relate to one another as fellow members of a shared polity. However, such theorizing fails to articulate how these democratic comportments learned within public spaces relate to the public sphere’s purported role in holding state power to account. In this paper, we examine the ways in which what we call ‘partisan interventions’ into public space can correct for this gap. Using the example of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), we argue that the ways in which CPIM partisans actively cultivate sites of historical regional importance – such as in the village of Kayyur – should be understood as an aspect of the party’s more general concern to present itself to citizens as an agent both capable and worthy of wielding state power. Drawing on histories of supreme partisan contribution and sacrifice, the party influences the ideational background – in competition with other parties – against which it stakes its claims to democratic legitimacy. In contrast to those theorizations of public space that celebrate its separateness from the institutions of formal democratic politics and the state more broadly, the CPIM’s partisan interventions demonstrate how parties’ locations at the intersections of the state and civil society can connect the public sphere to its task of holding state power to account, thereby bringing the explicitly political questions of democratic legitimacy into the everyday spaces of a political community.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630512110190
Author(s):  
Josephine Lukito ◽  
Luis Loya ◽  
Carlos Dávalos ◽  
Jianing Li ◽  
Chau Tong ◽  
...  

While music as an artistic form is well studied, the individuals behind the art receive relatively less attention. In this article, we provide evidence of celebrity advocacy with a systematic examination of musicians’ political engagement on Twitter. This study estimates the extent to which musicians use Twitter for political purposes, with particular attention to whether such engagement varies across music genres. Through a computational-assisted analysis of 2,286,434 tweets, we group 881 musicians into three categories of political engagement on Twitter: not engaged (comprising the majority of artists), circumstantial engagement, and active political engagement. We examine the latter categories in detail with two qualitative case studies. The findings indicate that musicians from different genres have distinct patterns of political engagement. The Christian music genre shows the most engagement as a whole, especially in philanthropy. On the contrary, the most active accounts are rock and hip-hop artists, some of whom discuss political issues and call for mobilization. We conclude with suggestions for future research.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (02) ◽  
pp. 353-385
Author(s):  
Lakeyta M. Bonnette-Bailey ◽  
Ray Block ◽  
Harwood K. McClerking

AbstractDespite a recent increase in research on its sociopolitical implications, many questions regarding rap music’s influence on mass-level participation remain unanswered. We consider the possibility that “imagining a better world” (measured here as the degree to which young African Americans are critical of the music’s negative messages) can correlate with a desire to “build a better world” (operationalized as an individual’s level of political participation). Evidence from the Black Youth Project (BYP)’s Youth Culture Survey (Cohen 2005) demonstrates that rap critique exerts a conditional impact on non-voting forms of activism. Rap critique enhances heavy consumers’ civic engagement, but this relationship does not occur among Blacks who consume the music infrequently. By demonstrating rap’s politicizing power and contradicting certain criticisms of Hip Hop culture, our research celebrates the possibilities of Black youth and Black music.


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