minority communities
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2022 ◽  
pp. 016502542110667
Laura K. Taylor ◽  
Dean O’Driscoll ◽  
Christine E. Merrilees ◽  
Marcie Goeke-Morey ◽  
Peter Shirlow ◽  

Following the signing of peace agreements, post-accord societies often remain deeply divided across group lines. There is a need to identify antecedents of youth’s support for peace and establish more constructive intergroup relations. This article explored the effect of out-group trust, intergroup forgiveness, and social identity on support for the peace process among youth from the historic majority and minority communities in Belfast, Northern Ireland. The sample comprised 667 adolescents (49% male; M = 15.74, SD = 1.99 years old) across two time points. The results from the structural equation model suggested that out-group trust was related to intergroup forgiveness over time, while forgiveness related to later support for the peace process. Strength of in-group social identity differentially moderated how out-group trust and intergroup forgiveness related to later support for peace among youth from the conflict-related groups (i.e., Protestants and Catholics). Implications for consolidating peace in Northern Ireland are discussed, which may be relevant to other settings affected by intergroup conflict.

Bryan McIntosh ◽  
Bruce Sheppy ◽  
Francesco Moscone ◽  
Andreia Areal

As the UK rebuilds and recovers after the COVID-19 pandemic, tackling socioeconomic inequalities will become increasingly pertinent. The link between health and wealth has been long established, with those at the highest risk of illness also being less likely to access healthcare. The pandemic has highlighted these disparities, with higher morbidity and mortality rates seen in deprived areas, as well as among ethnic minority communities. Leaders and clinicians across the NHS and social care have called for a ‘reset’ in the way healthcare is planned, commissioned and delivered in the UK. There is a growing need for a holistic approach to disease prevention, and it is crucial that government agencies take a strong role in addressing the wider determinants of health.

Ruban Dhaliwal ◽  
Rocio I Pereira ◽  
Alicia M Diaz-Thomas ◽  
Camille E Powe ◽  
Licy L Yanes Cardozo ◽  

Abstract The Endocrine Society recognizes racism as a root cause of the health disparities that affect racial/ethnic minority communities in the United States and throughout the world. In this policy perspective, we review the sources and impact of racism on endocrine health disparities and propose interventions aimed at promoting an equitable, diverse, and just healthcare system. Racism in the healthcare system perpetuates health disparities through unequal access and quality of health services, inadequate representation of health professionals from racial/ethnic minority groups, and the propagation of the erroneous belief that socially constructed racial/ethnic groups constitute genetically and biologically distinct populations. Unequal care, particularly for common endocrine diseases such as diabetes, obesity, osteoporosis, and thyroid disease, results in high morbidity and mortality for individuals from racial/ethnic minority groups, leading to a high socioeconomic burden on minority communities and all members of our society. As health professionals, researchers, educators, and leaders, we have a responsibility to take action to eradicate racism from the healthcare system. Achieving this goal would result in high-quality health care services that are accessible to all, diverse workforces that are representative of the communities we serve, inclusive and equitable workplaces and educational settings that foster collaborative teamwork, and research systems that ensure that scientific advancements benefit all members of our society. The Endocrine Society will continue to prioritize and invest resources in a multifaceted approach to eradicate racism, focused on educating and engaging current and future health professionals, teachers, researchers, policy makers, and leaders.

2022 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 6
Fati Iseni ◽  
Agim Jakupi

Great Britain since the late 19th and early 20th centuries had increased its interest for the developments in the Balkan region. Since the Berlin Congress in June 1878, the Conference of Ambassadors in London, December 1912-May 1913, then during WWI and WWII. Her interest continued also during the Cold War. Tito's Yugoslavia as a conglomerate of peoples had special diplomatic treatment from UK because of political, economic and military interests of the latter. Mostly after 1948 the UK built good relations with Yugoslavia. Her interest was Yugoslavia to remain stable as it was the west "protected" area from any Soviet Union threat. From this perspective the predictions were that the British could approve of any kind of internal behavior towards other ethnic minority communities. Thus in 1981 riots broke out in the province of Kosovo, Yugoslavia, and they escalated widely all over Kosovo. The UK closely followed all developments through its embassy in Belgrade and reported continuously to the FCO in London. This research will be exclusively based on these Telegrams. The declassified diplomatic reports testify more to a diplomatic and political correctness since then, from the fact that they clearly write about the discrimination that has been done to Kosovo in the Yugoslav legal and political system.

Poligrafi ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 65-92
William Gourlay

Focusing on 21st century developments in southeast Anatolia, this article examines the circumstances of minority communities within the contexts of the shifting dynamics of Turkey’s national project. Until the early 20th century southeast Anatolia was an ethnic patchwork. The early republican era saw efforts to “Turkify” through the promulgation of a national identity project asserting ethnic unity. From the 1980s, conflict with the PKK gave urgency to the notion that uniformity was paramount for national cohesion. In this milieu, ethnic diversity was suspect. Circumstances changed with the AKP government’s 2002 ascendance and the earlier emergence of Kurdish municipal politicians. This article documents how thereafter the re-imagining of the national project away from an exclusive ethnic categorisation allowed acknowledgement and accommodation of ethnic and religious diversity across southeast Anatolia. The chapter analyses these events in light of a backlash by nationalist politicians, the 2015 re-ignition of the PKK conflict and the subsequent resurgence of nationalist rhetoric in the political arena. It appears a narrow, exclusive national identity is re-asserting itself. The article thus examines the extent to which the experience of south-eastern Anatolia represents the re-imagining of Turkey’s national project and the embrace of a previously denied multi-ethnic socio-political fabric.

2021 ◽  
Mojca Kompara Lukančič

In the monograph ten scientific chapters oriented towards language for tourism that span from language learning and teaching, to lexicography, minority languages, and selected linguistic concepts are presented. Among them is the analyses of the features of the Slovene LSP Dictionary of Tourism, the question of minority communities and their tourism websites, the collocation strength and contrastive analyses of adjective-noun collocations, the concept of movement in tertiary education, the analyses of Slovene –German translations of chosen online menus, the tourist web resources as part of the L2 classroom, the connection of linguistic landscapes with tourism, writing skills in English for Tourism, local language variants of personal names, and teaching and learning language for special purposes during the COVID-19 pandemic.

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Francesco Costantini ◽  
Diego Sidraschi ◽  
Francesco Zuin

Minority languages have been the subject of a rich literature in the field of the sociolinguistics of tourism and a number of works have underlined that they have been increasingly used in tourism promotion in the last few decades as they convey overtones evoking authenticity. Travel websites do not only provide a first glance at a destination for potential guests, but they are also part of the tourist experience because they introduce visitors to relevant contents related to specific places. In view of this, in websites of a destination where a minority language is spoken the use of the local variety could be particularly relevant in order to promote a specific place as offering an immersion into a unique cultural experience. The present article addresses the question how ten minority communities in Italy mobilize their local languages for self-representation purposes within their tourism websites.

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 1082
Iselin Frydenlund

Buddhist protectionism in contemporary Myanmar revolves around fears of the decline of Buddhism and deracination of the amyo (group/“race”). Buddhist protectionists and Burmese nationalists have declared Islam and Muslims the greatest threat to race and religion, and Myanmar has witnessed widespread distribution of anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim content, as well as massive violence against Muslim minority communities, the Rohingya in particular. The Indian neologism “Love Jihad” has scarce reference in contemporary Burmese Buddhist discourses, but, importantly, the tropes of aggressive male Muslim sexuality and (forced) conversion through marriage (“love jihad”) have been one of the core issues in Buddhist protectionism in Myanmar. The article shows that such tropes of the threatening foreign male have strong historical legacies in Myanmar, going back to colonial Burma when Burmese concerns over Indian male immigrant workers resulted in both anti-Indian violence and anti-miscegenation laws. Importantly, however, compared to colonial Indophobia and military era xenophobic nationalism, contemporary constructions are informed by new political realities and global forces, which have changed Buddhist protectionist imaginaries of gender and sexuality in important ways. Building on Sara R. Farris’ concept of “femonationalism”, and Roger Brubaker’s concept of civilizationism, the article shows how Global Islamophobia, as well as global discourses on women’s rights and religious freedom, have informed Buddhist protectionism beyond ethnonationalism in the traditional sense.

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