Escaping the Confines of Market Democracy: Lessons From Venezuela

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Brown
Keyword(s):  
1997 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 521-558
Author(s):  
Robert E. Wright

The story usually goes something like this: Colonial Americans lived in a world very different from that of the generation that fought the Civil War. Locals wielded the tools of government most of the time; rarely did distant officials attempt control, and when they did they were usually roundly rebuffed. Politicians “stood” for positions of honor rather than “running” for lucrative posts. A man’s surname was a crucial determinant of his socioeconomic well-being. Artisans and yeomen deferred to gentlemen. Barter predominated as little “cash” circulated. Custom and family, not market forces, dictated the allocation of credit. Change of all types occurred slowly. By Martin Van Buren’s presidency some threescore years later, America was a very different place. Though still evolving, the United States exuded modernity, at least in its general outlines. Politicians and bureaucrats in state capitals, and even Washington, increasingly affected Americans’ everyday lives. Party politics and patronage took on increased importance as plutocrats plied for patronage posts. A man’s bank account meant more than his lineage. Gentlemen feared the artisans and yeomen they once easily ruled. Cash was abundant, and the market determined most access to credit. Societal conditions changed apace. Generally speaking, over these decades America is described as becoming less “aristocratic” and “mercantile,” or even “feudal,” and more “democratic” and “capitalist.”


Author(s):  
John Tomasi

This chapter considers John Rawls' conception of ideal theory, with particular emphasis on the implications of problems of feasibility for normative political philosophy and market democracy's institutional guarantees. It defends Rawls' general view of ideal theory, first by explaining why the objection to market democracy—that even if market democratic institutional forms appear attractive in theory, they are unlikely to deliver the goods in practice and so are defective for that reason—has little force when applied against the idealism of left liberalism. It then examines why such arguments are equally ineffective when trained against the idealism of free market fairness. It also analyzes Rawls' idea of “realistic utopianism” before concluding by asking whether market democratic regimes that treat economic liberty as constitutionally basic can realize all the requirements of justice as fairness.


2021 ◽  
pp. 179-182
Author(s):  
Kristen Ghodsee ◽  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

Chapter 16 uses ethnographic data to explore the development of new identities rooted in the collective trauma experienced during transition in postsocialist countries. This chapter shows how the void left by the sudden disappearance of Soviet-era propaganda and positive imagery was replaced by postmodern neoliberal individualism. It shows how nationalist and nativist movements swept in to fill this ideological vacuum and rooted themselves in a shared victim identity, pointing to local disillusionment with market democracy as a major legitimating factor for authoritarian movements. Many who searched for a postsocialist identity turned to orthodox, sometimes radical, religious groups or to ethno-nationalist political movements.


Author(s):  
Vijayashri Sripati

This chapter chronologically traces the Western liberal Constitution’s internationalization from 1919-1960 to establish UNCA’s birth in 1949, rejection in 1960 and revival in 1960. This chapter comprises three sections. Section 1 traces a rise in the Constitution’s internationalization from 1919 to 1960. Section two covers the United Nations’ role from 1949-1952 in assisting Libya, a former Italian colony, adopt the Constitution and emerge independent. UNCA was rejected in 1960 because the right to self-determination morphed into an absolute right for all colonies, whereby they henceforth enjoyed a right to sculpt constitutions of their choice. At this juncture, UNCA serves a limited purpose: to implement decolonization. Section 3 outlines former UN Secretary-General, Dag Hammarskjold’s economic philosophy and his efforts at reviving united nations constitutional assistance to ensure Congo morphs into a market democracy. A discussion of the UN’s constitutional assistance from 1960-64 reveals that its use had nothing to do with perceived local incapacities for governance and how it spawned and guided UN or International territorial administration (e.g., law-making) there.


Res Publica ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 443-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Tomasi

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