How white supremacy is reproduced in the relations of white people to other white people, with some notes on what this means for antiracist education

Author(s):  
Timothy J. Lensmire
2021 ◽  
pp. 030913252110303
Author(s):  
Bradley Hinger

Mobilities scholars have shown how injustices may arise from forced movement or stillness. However, with notable exceptions, these studies tend to collapse analyses of race into a simplistic binary of immobility as an inherent characteristic of non-white people and the possibility of movement as only granted to white people. In this article, I call for an expanded approach that is inclusive of both the controlling forces of white supremacy and life-affirming resistance against and despite these constraints. Drawing from Black studies and Black Geographies, I argue for a more unified Black mobilities research agenda.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-102
Author(s):  
Louise D’Arcens

Abstract This essay focuses on the Polish film Cold War and the oeuvre of the French nationalist black metal band Peste Noire, examining them as twenty-first-century texts that disclose music’s capacity to solicit emotion in the service of ideology. Despite their aesthetic and ideological differences, each text demonstrates the importance of temporal emotions – that is, emotions that register a heightened sense of the relationship between present, past and future. Each text portrays these emotions’ ideological significance when attached to ideas of a national past. Dwelling on Peste Noire’s racist-nationalist use of the medieval past, the essay explores music as a medium for emotional performances in which white people appear to convey vulnerability while actually reconfirming white supremacy. Peste Noire’s idiosyncratic performance of aggressive vulnerability is a temporal emotion that self-consciously lays claim to a long emotional tradition reaching back to the French Middle Ages.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 1301-1313
Author(s):  
Katherine Hite

In this article, I examine the efforts of a group of anti-Confederate monument activists in Williamson County, Texas. The article begins with the history of the monument itself, 100 years before the activists initiated their efforts. The intransigence to removing the Confederate monument is symbolic of white resistance to struggles for racial equality more broadly. Second, I discuss how the local legal impasse has contributed to distinct anti-monument activist strategies that deploy counternarratives and memories, from performances, to challenging narrative claims regarding who is more patriotic. Finally, I explore the politics of self-reckoning—the process by which white people find that they have to answer for racism deep within themselves as well as in relation to violent white supremacy and the legal and institutional fortress that protects whiteness generally. Battling both racists and racist institutions is hard and lengthy, and monument activism persistently exposes what is at stake.


Author(s):  
Barbara Applebaum

In 1903, standing at the dawn of the 20th century, W. E. B. Du Bois wrote that the color line is the defining characteristic of American society. Well into the 21st century, Du Bois’s prescience sadly still rings true. Even when a society is built on a commitment to equality, and even with the election of its first black president, the United States has been unsuccessful in bringing about an end to the rampant and violent effects of racism, as numerous acts of racial violence in the media have shown. For generations, scholars of color, among them Ralph Ellison, James Baldwin, and Franz Fanon, have maintained that whiteness lies at the center of the problem of racism. It is only relatively recently that the critical study of whiteness has become an academic field, committed to disrupting racism by problematizing whiteness as a corrective to the traditional exclusive focus on the racialized “other.” Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS) is a growing field of scholarship whose aim is to reveal the invisible structures that produce and reproduce white supremacy and privilege. CWS presumes a certain conception of racism that is connected to white supremacy. In advancing the importance of vigilance among white people, CWS examines the meaning of white privilege and white privilege pedagogy, as well as how white privilege is connected to complicity in racism. Unless white people learn to acknowledge, rather than deny, how whites are complicit in racism, and until white people develop an awareness that critically questions the frames of truth and conceptions of the “good” through which they understand their social world, Du Bois’s insight will continue to ring true.


2020 ◽  
pp. 197-220
Author(s):  
Taylor Nygaard ◽  
Jorie Lagerwey

Because so much of the book focuses on niche-marketed programming or shows with a very specific politicized, classed, and racialized address, in summing up the arguments and impacts of this precarious whiteness, the conclusion offers a mass-market counterpoint to some of the relatively obscure programs discussed in the rest of the book. This chapter analyzes racial protests in US sports leagues, primarily the national anthem protests in the National Football League spearheaded by the former San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick. The NFL is the most-watched programming in the United States, and similar TV industrial shifts to those described earlier in the book have spurred the league and platforms with television rights to the games to push American football into the UK market as well. This chapter returns for a final time to the historical conjuncture of recession, changing TV technologies and business practices, and the heightened visibility of racial and gender inequality to think through what happens beyond the tiny target audiences of Horrible White People shows as the cycle draws to an end and to insist that the cultural discourses of white supremacy that feed Horrible White People shows are visible everywhere.


Author(s):  
Joanna Brooks

Racism is not a simply a character flaw or extremist conduct; racism is the centuries-old system of social organization that has marked people with dark skin as available for exploitation—for advantage-taking of their lands, labor, bodies, cultures, and so forth. “White supremacy” refers not only to the grossest forms of racist terrorism but also to the entire system of ideas, beliefs, and practices that give white people better chances based on perceived skin color and ancestry. This chapter reviews American Christian theology, history, US law, and critical race theory to frame an assessment of white American Christianity’s failure to grapple with anti-Black racism as a moral issue.


Author(s):  
Chris Corces-Zimmerman ◽  
Deborah E. Southern

For more than a century, students and higher education leaders, practitioners, and scholars have imagined and implemented strategies to subvert racism and advocate for racial equity within U.S. higher education. However, racist campus climates and exclusionary practices persist because institutions of higher education themselves are structurally rooted in whiteness and white supremacy. In this chapter, the authors connect their social and political subjectivities as white scholars with their dedication to the dismantling of structures of whiteness within higher education in order to present one way to transform institutions. Through the presentation of theoretical and practical examples, they make the case that it is the shared responsibility of white leaders across the spectrum of higher education to take action against the racialized policies and norms that privilege white people by examining and abolishing institutional structures that support whiteness. Ultimately, the fight for equity and justice in higher education must center the challenging of structural manifestations of whiteness.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Remi Joseph-Salisbury ◽  
Laura Connelly

A growing body of literature examines how social control is embedded within, and enacted through, key social institutions generally, and how it impacts disproportionately upon racially minoritised people specifically. Despite this, little attention has been given to the minutiae of these forms of social control. Centring Black hair as a site of social control, and using a contemporary case study to illustrate, this article argues that it is through such forms of routine discipline that conditions of white supremacy are maintained and perpetuated. Whilst our entry into a ‘post-racial’ epoch means school policies are generally thought of as race-neutral or ‘colorblind’, we draw attention to how they (re)produce and normalise surface-level manifestations of anti-Blackness. Situating Black hair as a form of ‘racial symbolism’ and showing Black hairstyles to be significant to Black youth, we show that the governance of hair is not neutral but instead, acts as a form of social control that valorises whiteness and pathologises Blackness.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 596-598
Author(s):  
Elaine Frantz Parsons

D. W. Griffith's seminal 1915 film The Birth of a Nation is often approached as a paradox in that it embodies both an extreme commitment to white supremacy, on the one hand, and technical innovation and artistic vision, on the other. While its technique and aesthetics reached to the modern, revealing the promise of the still-new media of film, its celebration of racial oppression reached to the past, justifying and expressing nostalgia for a world in which white people wielded complete control over black people through a tight combination of natural superiority and unapologetic violence. As the essays in this forum underline, the film's modernism and its celebration of white supremacy not only happily cohabited, but reinforced one another. The film revived elements of nineteenth-century racism, and dressed them in the clothes of the modern.


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