ideological differences
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2022 ◽  
pp. 53-107

This chapter describes legislator faith beliefs based on their evangelical or liberal multilayered moral worldviews. These views are not merely tools that are used but symbolic boundaries by which preferences are molded, values are shaped, and political perspectives are informed. Contributing to these ideological differences is the changing religious landscape in America. These opposing visions represent deep cultural divisions that influence state legislative decision-making, especially for members of the LGBTQ community.


2021 ◽  
pp. 151-171
Author(s):  
Carlos Soriano Jiménez

This study lies within the framework of the years 1945-1955, which correspond to Clement Attlee’s Labourite and Winston Churchill’s Conservative administrations. The objective is to demonstrate, by means of an analysis of their speeches and the proposals of their respective political parties, that the ideological differences hindered a total agreement. These primary sources are examined from several perspectives. The main emphasis of this study falls on the ideology as a distinctive element and its influence on other fields such as education, the welfare system or the economy. The results reveal a lack of consensus based on their opposite political cultures.


2021 ◽  
pp. 154134462110623
Author(s):  
Laura M. Harrison ◽  
Helen Williams-Cumberbatch

As college student educators, we notice a pattern of difficulty in our students’ ability to engage meaningfully across ideological differences. In this work, we posit the social media mindset’s penchant for reductive framing and outgroup shaming as a potential diagnosis of the problem. We explore how these tendencies show up in the classroom; we present alternative frameworks for stimulating better conversations across differences. These frameworks include promoting democratic civility (as opposed to niceness), understanding ourselves as works in progress (as opposed to engaging call-out and cancel culture), and creating the conditions for the call-in (as opposed to “ducking diversity”).


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 1010
Author(s):  
Erik Skare

Existing scholarship has largely focused on the violence of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) when analyzing their response to the Oslo Agreement and the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority (PA) in the 1990s. The Islamist opposition’s contribution to Palestinian political thought has largely been ignored, however, although the prospects of Palestinian self-rule confronted the two movements with fundamental questions about social organization, governance, and the permissibility of democracy. I offer an analysis of key Hamas and PIJ texts from this period to demonstrate that Hamas and PIJ fundamentally differ in their analysis of the state and the organization of just society. While Hamas outlines a state-centric approach to governance through which Islamic values are enforced from above, PIJ perceives the state to be the greatest threat to the just organization of society. This article consequently dispels the myth that the two Palestinian Islamist movements had no significant ideological differences in the 1990s.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suvojit Bandopadhyaya

<p>This paper discusses the ideological differences between the Islamic State (IS) and Al Qaeda (AQ) and their differential media strategies that were existing from 2014 to 2017. This paper emphasises the interpretation of Qutbism and the unification of Ummah which led to the divide and disintegration of AQ of Iraq later becoming IS. This ideological difference emanates from practice and theological understanding of Salafism by IS and AQ and perception of the near and far enemy by both the terrorist organizations. Both terrorist organizations’ ideological doctrines are also influenced by the use of information and communication technologies catering to their respective audience. Considering the ideological differences and differences in IS and AQ media strategies, this paper proposes counter-terrorism strategies to fight IS and AQ online propaganda.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suvojit Bandopadhyaya

<p>This paper discusses the ideological differences between the Islamic State (IS) and Al Qaeda (AQ) and their differential media strategies that were existing from 2014 to 2017. This paper emphasises the interpretation of Qutbism and the unification of Ummah which led to the divide and disintegration of AQ of Iraq later becoming IS. This ideological difference emanates from practice and theological understanding of Salafism by IS and AQ and perception of the near and far enemy by both the terrorist organizations. Both terrorist organizations’ ideological doctrines are also influenced by the use of information and communication technologies catering to their respective audience. Considering the ideological differences and differences in IS and AQ media strategies, this paper proposes counter-terrorism strategies to fight IS and AQ online propaganda.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Shahad Mohammed Almayouf

The primary purpose of this study is to carry out and present an Appraisal analysis of the discourse of two reports published in the New York Times and the Washington Post newspapers. The specific objective is to identify and analyze the main attitudinal resources employed by the report’s authors to construe and negotiate feelings with their audiences about the Muslim ban incident that was implemented during Trump’s presidency of the United States. Moreover, the study explores the ideological differences from an Appraisal perspective about the travel ban between the selected newspapers. The study revealed that Appreciation resources were used more than other resources in the Washington Post, and the majority of them were addressing the travel restriction. On the other hand, the New York Times report made extensive use of both Judgment and Appreciation resources. In addition, all attitudes in the texts predicted ideological differences, but the Appreciation resources were the most critical predictor of ideological differences between them. This research reveals then which attitudes are more likely to reveal ideological differences.


Publications ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
David Blanco-Herrero ◽  
Javier J. Amores ◽  
Patricia Sánchez-Holgado

Although the phenomenon of disinformation and, specifically, fake news has become especially serious and problematic, this phenomenon has not been widely addressed in academia from the perspective of consumers, who play a relevant role in the spread of this content. For that reason, the present study focuses on determining how this phenomenon is perceived by citizens, as the strategies to counteract fake news are affected by such opinions. Thus, the main objective of this study was to identify in which media the perception and experience of fake news is greatest and thus determine what platforms should be focused on to counteract this phenomenon. A survey was conducted in October 2020, among the Spanish adult population and was completed by a total of 423 people (with 421 valid answers). Among its main findings, this study determined that social media platforms are the type of media in which the greatest amount of fake news is perceived, which confirms the suggestions of previous studies. Furthermore, the experienced presence of fake news seems to be primarily affected by age and gender, as there was a higher level of skepticism observed among young people and women. Additionally, the use of media seems to be positively correlated with the perceived and experienced presence of fake news.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anuforoh Prosper ◽  
Tyra-Kaddu Mulindwa ◽  
Barlow Najmah ◽  
Jonathan Kabiito ◽  
Augustine Diyoke ◽  
...  

&lt;p&gt;In the last century, there has been a broadening in the scope of science in Africa; which, in turn, has seen a widespread adoption of new technologies by most African countries and causing an explosion in the number of local and international science actors. But that development, many have argued, has yet to translate into a commensurate improvement in the overall condition of life and living on the continent. And even less so on the science ecosystem &amp;#8212; a fact that has been most tellingly revealed by the COVID-19 pandemic. This opens up critical questions on the nature of science and how it is communicated, especially in the context of the cultural and ideological differences, which exist between the Global North and Africa. Science Talks Africa as a science communication platform emerged mostly out of the need to engage science from that perspective, and also to address the need for both empirical and ideological spaces in which science actors moderate the dialectics of existing and emerging science and technology in the context of Africa.&lt;/p&gt;


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-102
Author(s):  
Louise D’Arcens

Abstract This essay focuses on the Polish film Cold War and the oeuvre of the French nationalist black metal band Peste Noire, examining them as twenty-first-century texts that disclose music’s capacity to solicit emotion in the service of ideology. Despite their aesthetic and ideological differences, each text demonstrates the importance of temporal emotions – that is, emotions that register a heightened sense of the relationship between present, past and future. Each text portrays these emotions’ ideological significance when attached to ideas of a national past. Dwelling on Peste Noire’s racist-nationalist use of the medieval past, the essay explores music as a medium for emotional performances in which white people appear to convey vulnerability while actually reconfirming white supremacy. Peste Noire’s idiosyncratic performance of aggressive vulnerability is a temporal emotion that self-consciously lays claim to a long emotional tradition reaching back to the French Middle Ages.


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