JM Coetzee and South Africa: Thoughts on the Social Life of Fiction

2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (sup1) ◽  
pp. 174-186
Author(s):  
David Attwell
Keyword(s):  
2011 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 369-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saarah Jappie

Ebrahiem Manuel sits opposite me, about to embark upon his story. His living room is filled with material manifestations of his research: boxes overflowing with books and papers cover his entire sofa, newspapers and articles line the floor, and collages of images and texts hang on the walls and sit in the cabinets. It is clear that he is consumed by his passion for heritage, and his personal journey of discovery. He speaks in an animated, almost theatrical tone, raising and lowering his voice, stressing certain syllables, alive as he tells his story of “the ancient kietaabs.”The journey began in 1997, when Ebrahiem returned to South Africa after years at sea, working as a cook on shipping vessels. Upon his return, he began a quest to learn about his personal heritage, inspired by a dream he had had about his grandfather. This search led him to an oldkietaab, given to him by an elderly aunt. This was not the first time he had come across the old book; he remembered seeing it as a child, amongst other kietaabs, stored out of reach of the children, on top of his grandfather's wardrobe. It was inside this book that a possible key to his ancestors was to be found.This significant find was a range of hand-written inscriptions inside the book, in Arabic, English, and an unknown script. The Arabic script and its corresponding English transliteration read “Imaam Abdul Karriem, son of Imaam Abdul Jaliel, son of Imaam Ismail of Sumbawa.” Here was his family tree, starting from his great-grandfather and leading to two generations before him and, it seemed, their place of origin, the island of Sumbawa in eastern Indonesia. Ebrahiem then decided to go to Indonesia to solve what had become the mystery of “the ancient kietaab.”


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (26) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathrin Houmøller

Denne artikel undersøger, hvordan tavshed udspiller sig i hverdagslivet i Khayelitsha township i Cape Town, Sydafrika, og hvad der driver dens udbredelse. I Sydafrika lever 5,6 millioner mennesker med hiv, og landet har verdens største aids- behandlingsprogram. Et udbredt fravær af mellemmenneskelig kommunikation om hiv og aids har ført til, at aids-epidemien i Sydafrika har været beskrevet som en epidemi af tavshed. Mens tidligere studier har fokuseret på smittevejen mellem tavshed og den sociale betydning af hiv og aids som en dødelig og stigmatiserende sygdom, belyser artiklen, hvordan tavshed også skal forstås i dens forbindelse til Khayelitsha som et specifikt sted, der intensiverer særlige vilkår for tavshed som en form for socialitet, der ikke er særlig for hiv og aids. Med et perspektiv på social smitte er det således artiklens argument, at det også er selve stedet - et hverdagsliv i tvungen intimitet – der smitter. Place is Contagious: hiv, aids medicine and the social life of silence in KhayelitshaThis article explores practices of silence in Khayelitsha township in Cape Town, South Africa, and seeks to investigate what drives silence as a widespread phenomenon. In South Africa, 5,6 million people are currently living with hiv and the country has the largest aids treatment programme in the world. The aids epidemic has often been paralleled to an epidemic of silence with reference to a significant absence of direct verbal communication about the disease. While previous studies have focused on the connection between silence and the association of hiv with death and stigma, the article argues that the spread of silence cannot be understood disconnected from Khayelitsha as a particular place that intensifies silence as a form of sociality not specific to hiv and aids. From a perspective on social contagion, the article argues that it is also the place itself – an everyday life in enforced intimacy – that is contagious. 


Africa ◽  
1928 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. Schapera

The native problem as it exists to-day in South Africa is not a phenomenon of recent growth. The issues which confront the country are the product of many decades of inter-racial contact and adjustment, during which Europeans and Natives have exercised a steadily growing influence upon each others' lives. Under the influence of European culture many of the Natives have abandoned their original tribal customs, and their social life is being reorganized on a new basis by the adoption of European habits and ideas. On the other hand, the presence of the Natives has so profoundly affected the social and economic development of the Europeans as to have become almost an integral part of the whole structure of civilization in South Africa. It is no longer possible for the two races to develop apart from each other. The future welfare of the country now depends upon the finding of some social and political system in which both may live together in close contact, without that increasing unrest and disturbance that seems to develop as the inevitable result of the lack of stability and unity in any society.


Africa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Mercer ◽  
Charlotte Lemanski

What are the experiences of the African middle classes, and what do their experiences tell us about social change on the continent? While there have been ample attempts to demarcate the parameters of this social group, the necessary work of tracing the social life and social relations of the middle classes is just beginning. The articles in this special issue provide compelling accounts of the ways in which the middle classes are as much made through their social relations and social practices as they are (if indeed they are) identifiable through aggregate snapshots of income, consumption habits and voting behaviours. Rachel Spronk (2018: 316) has argued that ‘the middle class is not a clear object in the sense of an existing group that can be clearly delineated; rather, it is a classification-in-the-making’. We agree, and our aim in bringing these contributions together in this special issue is to develop our understanding of how this process is emerging in different contexts across Africa. In her opening contribution, Carola Lentz suggests that we need more research on ‘the social dynamics of “doing being middle-class”’, or what we term here ‘middle-classness’, which attends to this ‘classification-in-the-making’ through urban–rural changes over intergenerational life courses, multi-class households, kinship and social relations. Such an agenda has recently been opened up by two edited volumes on the African middle classes (Melber 2016; Kroeker et al. 2018). We further develop this agenda here through a series of empirically rich articles by scholars in African studies, anthropology, literature and sociology that explicitly address the question of the lived experiences of the middle classes. Echoing Spronk's unease with taking ‘the middle class’ as an already constituted social group, what emerges across the articles is rather the unstable, tenuous and context-specific nature of middle-class prosperity in contemporary Africa. Social positions shift – or are questioned – as one moves from the suburb to the township (Ndlovu on South Africa) or into state-subsidized high-rise apartments (Gastrow on Angola). Stability gives way over time to precarity (Southall on Zimbabwe). Wealth is not tied to the individual but circulates more widely through social relations. Should one invest in the nuclear or the extended family (Hull on South Africa; Spronk on Ghana)? In a house or a car (Durham on Botswana)? And why does it matter – for the individual, the household, the family, the city, the nation and the continent? To grasp what it means to be middle-class in Africa today necessarily requires an understanding of the historical, social and spatial embeddedness of lived experiences at multiple scales.


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