scholarly journals When European integration becomes costly: the euro crisis and public support for European economic governance

2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 624-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theresa Kuhn ◽  
Florian Stoeckel
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Hugo Canihac

This article contributes to the debate about the history of the political economy of the European Economic Community (EEC). It retraces the efforts during the early years of the EEC to implement a form of ‘European economic programming’, that is, a more ‘dirigiste’ type of economic governance than is usually associated with European integration. Based on a variety of archives, it offers a new account of the making and failure of this project. It argues that, at the time, the idea of economic programming found many supporters, but its implementation largely failed for political as well as practical reasons. In so doing, it also brings to light the role of economists during the early years of European integration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-36
Author(s):  
Domenico D’Amico ◽  
Carla Scaglioni

In his very elaborate analysis, Forte takes on several issues regarding the European integration process, offering an original insight into the foundations of European economic governance. In particular, the author looks to expand current results in the relevant literature in several directions. On the theoretical front, Forte departs from James Buchanan’s economic theory of clubs to provide a club-theoretic template to both the European Union and European Monetary Union. He arrives at the belief of ‘the incompleteness of the European institutional construct and the misunderstandings about its basic principles’. His argument relies on the similarities that he recognises between Buchanan’s view of European federalism and the German ordoliberalism roots of the European integration process, which can be traced from the founding of the European Community onward. On the empirical front, Forte identifies a potential polarisation among countries within the euro area during the crisis that occurred over the last ten years. According to him, this dualism within the euro club is due to a ‘violation’ of the ideals and the operational suggestions proposed by Buchanan, Ordo, Röpke and Einaudi. In this comment, we briefly describe what became for most member states of the European Union the worst economic and social crisis since the Second World War that led to a new architecture of European economic governance. Subsequently, we highlight significant results presented by Forte and elaborate how these results fit into the existing literature.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
Larisa Yankovska ◽  

The theory and methodology of management of socio-economic systems are constantly evolving, reflecting the objective processes of departure from the Soviet, post-Soviet and transitional paradigms of Ukrainian society. The next step is no less complex reform due to the integration of Ukraine into the European economic, social, legal, civilisational space. Today, Ukraine's European integration has become a national idea, a strategic vector of geopolitical development, which is a criterion for the success or failure of reforms in all areas of national economic governance. In this article, we examined the change in the socio-economic paradigm in connection with Ukraine's European integration development priority. We analysed the conditions for forming the European integration paradigm, explored the critical European values and the content of modern management of socio-economic systems. We have described approaches to assessing the effectiveness of socio-economic systems management at the national and regional levels. Considering the directions of European integration processes, we concluded that the European integration paradigm should become a methodological guideline for reforms in the management of socio-economic systems


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries

The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.


2021 ◽  
pp. 81-94
Author(s):  
Michael A. Wilkinson

<Online Only>This chapter examines how post-war Europe was reconstituted through a new regional geopolitics of inter-state relations, an acknowledgement of the interdependence of internal and external domains of state action, and a change in the abstract meaning of sovereignty. Materially, inter-state relations in Europe were reconstituted through the response to the ‘German question’, extraneous factors of Cold War superpower rivalry, and the project of European integration. This was supported by constitutional developments. Domestically, these developments involved commitments to internationalism and Europeanism and the turn to counter-majoritarian institutions, disconnecting state sovereignty from popular sovereignty. Regionally, they involved the constitutionalization of the European Economic Community (EEC), cementing a functionalist ideology and depoliticization through juridical and technical avenues.</Online Only>


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