On popular votes and the problems of self-government a systemic case for ordinary popular vote processes

Author(s):  
Joseph Lacey
Keyword(s):  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Graefe ◽  
J. Scott Armstrong ◽  
Randall J. Jones ◽  
Alfred G. Cuzan

2021 ◽  
Vol 1(162) ◽  
pp. 127-145
Author(s):  
Piotr Uziębło

The problems raised in the doctrine of constitutional law related to the implementation of a decision taken in a referendum in matters of particular importance to the state, as well as the generally marginal use of the institution of popular vote in the constitutional prac-tice, give rise to reflection on the introduction of the institution of a referendum law into the Polish constitutional system. In this article the author considers the advantages and disadvantages of such a solution, analyzing at the same time contemporary normative regulations concerning such acts in other countries. The research leads to the conclusion that despite the risks involved, the refer-endum law should appear in the Polish constitutional system in the future, as it would not only give a chance for a more complete reflection of the will of the collective subject of sovereignty without the necessity of its decoding by the parliament, but it could also be an impulse for the development of the referendum practice in the Republic of Poland. However, it is important to introduce proce-dural barriers that will prevent depreciation of this institution.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (04) ◽  
pp. 797-804 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Koza
Keyword(s):  

ABSTRACTThis paper answers 24 criticisms of the National Popular Vote interstate compact in Darin DeWitt and Thomas Schwartz’s paper entitled “A Calamitous Compact” (found elsewhere in this issue).


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 74-93
Author(s):  
Samuel Salzborn

The Alternative for Germany (AfD) has been sitting in Germany’s federal parliament since September 2017, having won 12.6 percent of the popular vote. In considering this young party’s recent development, researchers have focussed on its rhetorical strategies (i.e., populism) and its radicalization. Until now, much less attention has been paid to antisemitism within the AfD— also because the party would prefer to keep this out of public debate. By investigating its treatment of antisemitism, Nazism, and the politics of remembrance, it can be shown that the AfD has the features of a far-right party, to a much clearer extent than might be guessed from its media image, particularly inside Germany.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 48-52
Author(s):  
Laurily K. Epstein

However one wishes to characterize Walter Mondale's campaign for the presidency, his loss was only the latest in a series of Democratic presidential candidate defeats beginning in 1968. In 1968, Hubert Humphrey got 43 percent of the popular vote. In 1972, George McGovem received 38 percent of the popular vote. And in both 1980 and 1984, the Democratic presidential tickets got 41 percent of the popular vote. Only in 1976 did a Democratic presidential candidate receive a (very slim) majority of the popular votes cast. Indeed, Democratic presidential candidates have received only 42 percent of the total votes cast between 1968 and 1984.Although Democratic presidential candidates have not been faring well for 16 years, party identification has remained about the same—with the Democrats as the majority party. Until 1984. And that is what makes the 1984 election interesting, for in this election the voters finally seemed to change their party identification to correspond with what now appears to be their habit of electing Republican presidents.In 1980, when Jimmy Carter received the same proportion of the total votes cast as did Walter Mondale in 1984, self-styled Democrats were still in the majority. But, by 1984, Republicans and Democrats were at a virtual tie nationwide, as these figures from NBC News election day voter polls demonstrate.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 348-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice el-Wakil ◽  
Francis Cheneval

Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

In 1951 97 per cent of British voters voted either Conservative or Labour and that figure remained more or less constant until the late 1960s. Thereafter, however, it began to decline while third or fourth parties won an increasing share of the popular vote. In this essay I suggest why this might have been so, as the social and economic basis of the two-party system began to decay. In the elections of 2017, however, at least in England, the two major parties won 87 per cent of the vote—the highest since 1970. I argue that this was a result of an almost accidental and unexpected confluence of events which produced a different kind of two-party politics—more fluid and unpredictable.


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