The Changing Structure of Party Identification

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 48-52
Author(s):  
Laurily K. Epstein

However one wishes to characterize Walter Mondale's campaign for the presidency, his loss was only the latest in a series of Democratic presidential candidate defeats beginning in 1968. In 1968, Hubert Humphrey got 43 percent of the popular vote. In 1972, George McGovem received 38 percent of the popular vote. And in both 1980 and 1984, the Democratic presidential tickets got 41 percent of the popular vote. Only in 1976 did a Democratic presidential candidate receive a (very slim) majority of the popular votes cast. Indeed, Democratic presidential candidates have received only 42 percent of the total votes cast between 1968 and 1984.Although Democratic presidential candidates have not been faring well for 16 years, party identification has remained about the same—with the Democrats as the majority party. Until 1984. And that is what makes the 1984 election interesting, for in this election the voters finally seemed to change their party identification to correspond with what now appears to be their habit of electing Republican presidents.In 1980, when Jimmy Carter received the same proportion of the total votes cast as did Walter Mondale in 1984, self-styled Democrats were still in the majority. But, by 1984, Republicans and Democrats were at a virtual tie nationwide, as these figures from NBC News election day voter polls demonstrate.

2008 ◽  
Vol 98 (3) ◽  
pp. 769-807 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Strömberg

This paper analyzes how US presidential candidates should allocate resources across states to maximize the probability of winning the election, by developing and estimating a probabilistic-voting model of political competition under the Electoral College system. Actual campaigns act in close agreement with the model. There is a 0.9 correlation between equilibrium and actual presidential campaign visits across states, both in 2000 and 2004. The paper shows how presidential candidate attention is affected by the states' number of electoral votes, forecasted state-election outcomes, and forecast uncertainty. It also analyzes the effects of a direct national popular vote for president. (JEL D72)


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-72
Author(s):  
Luky Sandra Amalia ◽  
Aisah Putri Budiatri ◽  
Mouliza KD. Sweinstani ◽  
Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas ◽  
Esty Ekawati

In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-160
Author(s):  
Jan Zilinsky ◽  
Cristian Vaccari ◽  
Jonathan Nagler ◽  
Joshua A. Tucker

Michael Jordan supposedly justified his decision to stay out of politics by noting that Republicans buy sneakers too. In the social media era, the name of the game for celebrities is engagement with fans. So why then do celebrities risk talking about politics on social media, which is likely to antagonize a portion of their fan base? With this question in mind, we analyze approximately 220,000 tweets from 83 celebrities who chose to endorse a presidential candidate in the 2016 U.S. presidential election campaign to assess whether there is a cost—defined in terms of engagement on Twitter—for celebrities who discuss presidential candidates. We also examine whether celebrities behave similarly to other campaign surrogates in being more likely to take on the “attack dog” role by going negative more often than going positive. More specifically, we document how often celebrities of distinct political preferences tweet about Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, and Hillary Clinton, and we show that followers of opinionated celebrities do not withhold engagement when entertainers become politically mobilized and do indeed often go negative. Interestingly, in some cases political content from celebrities actually turns out to be more popular than typical lifestyle tweets.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Abbas Deygan Darweesh ◽  
Manar Kareem Mehdi

This paper aims to explore how a political leader can propagate ideology through the tactful use of language. It has been investigated how different linguistic tools have been used to project or achieve political objectives. Therefore, the paper is devoted to the exploration of persuasive and manipulative strategies utilized by the democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton in her campaign speeches. This paper is framed under the scope of discourse analysis wherein three speeches of Hillary Clinton are highlighted to fathom the ways in which she mesmerizes her audience through the use of certain linguistic and rhetorical devices and crafts to inject her ultimate goal of persuading people and indoctrinate her ideology so as to gain as many voters as possible .The selected speeches have been analyzed qualitatively using analytical framework of Barbra Johnstone's work (2008) about persuasive strategies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 236-255
Author(s):  
Susana Rogeiro Nina ◽  
José Santana-Pereira

This article examines how different modes of exposure to debates between presidential candidates affect both the criteria by which they are assessed and levels of learning about politics in an unobtrusive, distant context. In this study, 167 Portuguese undergraduate students were randomly assigned to either watch or listen to one of two 1986 dyadic presidential debates, rate the candidates on a series of items, and answer questions about the contents of the debate. We found that the mode of exposure only affected the assessment criteria of the lesser known presidential candidate. In fact, his personality appraisals carried more weight for viewers than for listeners, while the substantive performance was more important for those who listened to the debate. Although a more confrontational debating style lowered the ratings of the lesser known candidate, this was not conditional to mode of exposure. Moreover, video exposure to the debate resulted in higher levels of learning. In summary, this study supports the assumption that the visual cues in audiovisual formats are major factors of learning and prime personality traits as criteria for the appraisal of (relatively) unknown candidates.


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (7) ◽  
pp. 856-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela S. Shockley-Zalabak ◽  
Sherwyn P. Morreale ◽  
Carmen Stavrositu

This study explored voters’ perceptions of Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump regarding their general trust in the two 2016 presidential candidates, voters’ demographics, five underlying drivers of trust, and important campaign issues. The study also examined how perceptions of trust on issues were evidenced in the popular vote and in key swing states and the Electoral College. The study used two online census-representative surveys to examine registered voters’ perceptions: one survey of 1,500 respondents conducted immediately before the first presidential debate (September 7-15, 2016) and a second survey of a different sample of 1,500 immediately after the third debate (October 20-31), 2016. Analysis of the results confirmed relatively low-trust levels for both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump and an electorate divided demographically about their trust in the two candidates. The five trust drivers yielded statistically significant differences between the candidates. Clinton was evaluated as more competent, concerned, and reliable, and a person with whom participants identified. With the second survey, Trump statistically surpassed Clinton for openness and honesty. Regarding the three issues of most importance in the campaign, Clinton and Trump had equivalent trust evaluations for dealing with the U.S. economy/jobs, but Trump was more trusted regarding terrorism/national security and Clinton was more trusted regarding health care. The overall trust evaluations for Clinton, coupled with intentions to vote, contribute to understanding Clinton’s popular vote victory. However, the importance of terrorism/national security in swing states and Trump’s trust advantage on that issue contributes to understanding the Electoral College vote by comparison with the popular vote.


1983 ◽  
Vol 16 (04) ◽  
pp. 683-688
Author(s):  
Richard L. Rubin

Presidential candidates know that the “press” (that is, print and electronic media) is often a decisive force in American electoral politics and spend much of their time trying to manipulate it for their own benefit. To politicians it is really a personal political matter, and the tendency when they speak about it is to both personalize and over-generalize the decisiveness of its influence. Thus, in 1976, Ted Kennedy stated flatly, “The press made Carter,” whereas Jimmy Carter repeatedly complained of the press's crucial role in “unmaking him” as president.To political scientists the impact of the press, particularly television, is of primarily “systematic” importance rather than of personal interest—except of course, for those who would like to spend some years in Washington as advisor-practitioners. Scholars and students know that television has changed things a lot, but we are not exactly sure how much and what kind of responsibility the press as a whole bears for the substantial institutional changes that have occurred in the last two decades. Let me offer briefly some of the conclusions I have come to after researching, thinking, and writing for some years on this topic. I shall look, first, at what is new about television news compared to the pre-electronic era and, second, how the most significant of these mass communications changes have affected our electoral institutions and the presidency itself.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Totok Wahyu Abadi ◽  
Ridlaty Ayu Oktaviana Putri

The purpose of this study explained socialization was conducted by electoral commission Sidoarjo Regency and media that is used by the community and its influence on behavior of beginning voters. The basic concept of this research used theory of voter behavior and socialization of psychological aspects as well as theory of media usage. Data collection was done by distributing questionnaires to 99 beginner voter respondents as well as interviews with regional commissioners. Data analysis was performed multiple linear regression analysis and description. The results showed that the socialization conducted by  electoral commission Sidoarjo Regency  Sidoarjo was optimal. Media used for socialization included television, social media (internet), radio, billboards, print media (newspapers and magazines), and workshops / seminars / working meetings. Newbie voters in 2014 presidential elections indicated behavior to participate in presidential elections. The use of communication media and socialization of presidential candidates and vice presidential candidates had an influence on the behavior of novice voters. The influence of these two variables on the beginner behavior is shown by R coefficient of 27.1%. While, the most influential factor on behavior is the media used by novice voters to obtain information, knowledge, and understanding of the presidential candidate.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thibbur Ruhany

The 2019 election is so special, apart from the rising political temperature in Indonesia, the elections is also like a rematch of the 2014 elections that brought together two strong candidates, Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto as presidential candidates. Each candidate collides with ideas to win public sympathy and influence voter behavior through political advertising. This study will examine the ideas of Jokowi and Prabowo's government through political advertising. The advertisement that will be used as the main analytical material in this paper is political advertising on social media through the Youtube platform, namely the Sarjana Kerja Kerja Kerja! and the advertisement of Arwah si Manis Jembatan Ancur. Findings suggest that in packaging the ideas related to their campaign programs, each candidate has different communication styles and approaches. Sarjana Kerja Kerja Kerja! contains criticism of Indonesia Kerja slogan. This advertisement conveys reality criticism that is not in accordance with Jokowi's Nawacita expectations and offers solutions to changes in the economic system, prosperous, and independent Indonesia. Whereas through the political campaign si Manis Jembatan Ancur, a message was found on the success of infrastructure development in the Jokowi era which was not only focused on big cities but also to remote villages as illustrated in the background of the advertisement. In this advertisement there is a campaign content where one of them is the figure of cleric who has many similarities with Jokowi's vice-presidential candidate, K.H. Ma'ruf Amin is synonymous with santri. Key Words; Semiotics, Sanders Pierce, Political Campaign, Jokowi Prabowo


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Simon Power

<p>The United States presidential election in 2000 was one of the closest in history. In 1960, the winner of the popular vote in that presidential election won by the narrowest of margins. Forty years separated the two results, and both involved a sitting Vice President losing to a relative newcomer.  This study sets out the backgrounds of each of the four presidential candidates who competed in 1960 and 2000 and aims to understand the character of each by examining the influences on their lives and the development of their defining character traits. The second aim is to understand the authentic nature of their character by applying several theoretical frameworks to each of them. The application of these theoretical models is done in the context of the outcomes of the 1960 and 2000 elections and, in particular, the losing candidates’ reactions to those results. It is at this most crucial moment that decision-making best reflects whether the candidate’s reaction is authentic in the context of his character development.</p>


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