Persuasive Strategies in Hillary Clinton’s Presidential Campaign Speeches

This paper aims to explore how a political leader can propagate ideology through the tactful use of language. It has been investigated how different linguistic tools have been used to project or achieve political objectives. Therefore, the paper is devoted to the exploration of persuasive and manipulative strategies utilized by the democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton in her campaign speeches. This paper is framed under the scope of discourse analysis wherein three speeches of Hillary Clinton are highlighted to fathom the ways in which she mesmerizes her audience through the use of certain linguistic and rhetorical devices and crafts to inject her ultimate goal of persuading people and indoctrinate her ideology so as to gain as many voters as possible .The selected speeches have been analyzed qualitatively using analytical framework of Barbra Johnstone's work (2008) about persuasive strategies.

The Final Inheritance

The chapter explores General John Shalikashvili’s retirement. After overviewing his continued efforts to help maintain military readiness, care for servicemembers and their families, and improve international security policy, particularly through work with William Perry’s Preventive Defense Project, the chapter highlights how the opportunity to give a speech in support of Senator John Kerry’s nomination as the Democratic presidential candidate was an opportunity to thrust Shalikashvili back onto the national stage. The chapter also details a series of heart-related problems that plagued him in retirement, including one stroke that crippled him in 2004 and the final one that eventually took his life in 2011. The chapter explains the family legacy of heart issues that troubled both sides of his family tree, and details how this “last inheritance” did much to strip away the aspects of family inheritance—self control, diplomacy, and intellect—that helped him achieve his American dream.

2020 Democratic candidates will shift US fiscal agenda

Subject The emerging Democratic presidential candidate field and economic policy ideas before 2020. Significance With the new Congress seated and 2019 underway, more Democrats are coming forward as candidates for the party’s presidential nomination in 2020. Democrats sense that Republican President Donald Trump is electorally vulnerable, so the already large candidate field is likely to grow further. Democrats are also targeting Senate wins, hoping to control the executive and legislative branches after 2020, building on winning the House of Representatives in 2018. Impacts The 2020 Senate races map gives Democrats a better chance of winning a majority than in 2018. House Democrats face internal schisms: some progressives aim to unseat representatives seen as too moderate. If Republicans hold the Senate or White House after 2020, they will frustrate Democratic priorities. Republicans will use 2019-20 to try to win over female, suburban and ethnic minority voters, but face difficulty.

Religion, Rational Political Theory, and the 2008 Presidential Election

States of the United States differ significantly in terms of politically salient religious culture. But prior to the 2008 presidential election several studies inspired by rational political theory that found that during war time voting districts with high rates of military fatalities were more likely to vote against incumbent candidates and for anti-war candidates failed to control for variation in religious culture. In the present study, multivariate analyses that controlled for local differences in religious culture found that Iraq War military fatalities had an overall positive effect on the difference in the percent of the vote received in the 50 states and the District of Columbia by the anti-war Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama in the 2008 election and the pre-war Democratic presidential candidate Al Gore in the 2000 election. Tests for interaction, however, also found that the magnitude and ultimately the direction of this effect were conditioned by religious culture. In states with very high percentages of evangelical Protestants, the military fatality rate actually appeared to have a negative effect.

When God Collides with Race and Class: Working-Class America’s Shift to Conservatism

With that speech President George W. Bush and the Republicans laid bare their strategy to divide and divert America’s working class. With the economy struggling nationwide, and unemployment rising to more than percent in states such as Ohio, Republicans shifted the focus of the upcoming election from the economy to issues of faith, gay marriage, abortion, and guns. Evoking an “us vs. them” mentality, they branded Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry as a “Massachusetts liberal who voted against the Defense of Marriage Act, backs civil unions for homosexuals, voted to defend the infanticide known as partial-birth abortion and wants to raise the federal income taxes that George Bush lowered.”

The Changing Structure of Party Identification

However one wishes to characterize Walter Mondale's campaign for the presidency, his loss was only the latest in a series of Democratic presidential candidate defeats beginning in 1968. In 1968, Hubert Humphrey got 43 percent of the popular vote. In 1972, George McGovem received 38 percent of the popular vote. And in both 1980 and 1984, the Democratic presidential tickets got 41 percent of the popular vote. Only in 1976 did a Democratic presidential candidate receive a (very slim) majority of the popular votes cast. Indeed, Democratic presidential candidates have received only 42 percent of the total votes cast between 1968 and 1984.Although Democratic presidential candidates have not been faring well for 16 years, party identification has remained about the same—with the Democrats as the majority party. Until 1984. And that is what makes the 1984 election interesting, for in this election the voters finally seemed to change their party identification to correspond with what now appears to be their habit of electing Republican presidents.In 1980, when Jimmy Carter received the same proportion of the total votes cast as did Walter Mondale in 1984, self-styled Democrats were still in the majority. But, by 1984, Republicans and Democrats were at a virtual tie nationwide, as these figures from NBC News election day voter polls demonstrate.

Religion and Presidential Politics, 1980

In this presumably secular age it may astound many people that religion is still one of the primary components of voting behavior. But how else can one explain facts such as these: German Catholic communities in North Dakota gave Kennedy over 90 per cent of their votes but gave Stevenson less than 25 per cent. A German Catholic precinct in Wisconsin gave Kennedy a comfortable 63 per cent but has not voted for a Democratic presidential candidate since. A German Lutheran precinct in Wisconsin went for Stevenson but gave Kennedy less than a fourth of its votes. Three Baptist precincts in Roosevelt County, New Mexico, gave Stevenson comfortable majorities but Kennedy less than a third.